Stalin worked in the first Soviet government. Stalin and one-man power. Stalin and the Great Patriotic War

The communists will celebrate the 130th anniversary of the birth of Joseph Stalin by presenting commemorative medals to veterans, laying flowers, a gala concert and hope that on this day no one will remember the mistakes of the Stalin era, the first deputy chairman of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation, vice-speaker of the State Duma, told RIA Novosti Ivan Melnikov.

Joseph Vissarionovich Stalin (real name Dzhugashvili) was born on December 21 (9), 1879 (according to other sources, December 18 (6), 1878), in the Georgian city of Gori in the family of a shoemaker.

After graduating from the Gori Theological School in 1894, Joseph studied at the Tiflis Theological Seminary, from where he was expelled for revolutionary activities in 1899. A year before, he joined the Georgian social democratic organization Mesame Dasi, and in 1901 he became a revolutionary. At the same time, Dzhugashvili received the party nickname “Stalin” (for his inner circle he had another nickname - “Koba”).

From 1902 to 1913, Stalin was arrested and expelled six times, and escaped four times.

When in 1903 (at the Second Congress of the RSDLP) the party split into Bolsheviks and Mensheviks, Stalin supported the Bolshevik leader Lenin and, on his instructions, began creating a network of underground Marxist circles in the Caucasus.

In 1906-1907, Joseph Stalin participated in organizing a number of expropriations in Transcaucasia. In 1907, he was one of the leaders of the Baku Committee of the RSDLP.

In 1912 he became a member of the Russian Bureau of the Central Committee of the RSDLP. From March 1917, he participated in the preparation and conduct of the October Revolution: he was a member of the Politburo of the Central Committee of the RSDLP(b), and was a member of the Military Revolutionary Center for the leadership of the armed uprising. In 1917-1922 he was People's Commissar for Nationalities Affairs.

During Civil War carried out important assignments of the Central Committee of the RCP (b) and the Soviet government; was a member of the Council of Workers' and Peasants' Defense from the All-Russian Central Executive Committee, was a member of the Revolutionary Military Council of the Republic, a member of the Revolutionary Military Council of the Southern, Western and Southwestern Fronts.

When on April 3, 1922, at the Plenum of the Central Committee of the RCP (b), a new position was established - General Secretary of the Central Committee. Stalin was elected as the first General Secretary.

In the party structure, this position was of a purely technical nature. But its hidden strength lay in the fact that it was the General Secretary who appointed the lower party leaders, thanks to which Stalin formed a personally loyal majority among the middle ranks of party members. Stalin remained in this position until the end of his life (from 1922 - General Secretary of the Central Committee of the RCP (b), from December 1925 - CPSU (b), from 1934 - Secretary of the Central Committee of the CPSU (b), from 1952 - CPSU).

After Lenin's death, Stalin declared himself the sole successor of Lenin's work and his teachings. Stalin proclaimed a course towards “building socialism in one, separate country.” Carried out accelerated industrialization of the country and forced collectivization peasant farms. In his foreign policy activities he adhered to the class line of fighting the “capitalist encirclement” and supporting the international communist and labor movement.

By the mid-1930s, Stalin concentrated all state power in his hands and actually became the sole leader of the Soviet people. Old party leaders - Trotsky, Zinoviev, Kamenev, Bukharin, Rykov and others, who were part of the anti-Stalinist opposition, were gradually expelled from the party, and then physically destroyed as “enemies of the people.” In the second half of the 1930s, a regime of severe terror was established in the country, which reached its climax in 1937-1938. The search and destruction of “enemies of the people” affected not only the highest party bodies and the army, but also broad layers of Soviet society. Millions of Soviet citizens were illegally repressed on far-fetched, unsubstantiated charges of espionage, sabotage, and sabotage; exiled to camps or executed in the basements of the NKVD.

With the outbreak of the Great Patriotic War, Stalin concentrated all political and military power in his hands as Chairman of the State Defense Committee (June 30, 1941 - September 4, 1945) and Supreme Commander-in-Chief of the USSR Armed Forces. At the same time, he took the post of People's Commissar of Defense of the USSR (July 19, 1941 - March 15, 1946; from February 25, 1946 - people's commissar armed forces of the USSR) and took a direct part in drawing up plans for military operations.

During the war, Joseph Stalin, together with US President Roosevelt and British Prime Minister Churchill, initiated the creation anti-Hitler coalition. He represented the USSR in negotiations with countries participating in the anti-Hitler coalition (Tehran, 1943; Yalta, 1945; Potsdam, 1945).

After the end of the war, during which Soviet army liberated most of the countries of Eastern and Central Europe, Stalin became an ideologist and practitioner of the creation of a “world socialist system,” which was one of the main factors in the emergence of “ cold war"and the military-political confrontation between the USSR and the USA.

On March 19, 1946, during the restructuring of the Soviet government apparatus, Stalin was confirmed as Chairman of the Council of Ministers of the USSR and Minister of the Armed Forces of the USSR.

After the war he was engaged in restoration National economy war-torn country, focusing on improving defense capabilities Soviet Union and technical re-equipment of the army and navy. He was one of the main initiators of the Soviet “atomic project”, which contributed to the transformation of the USSR into one of the two “superpowers”.

(Military Encyclopedia. Chairman of the Main Editorial Commission S.B. Ivanov. Military Publishing House. Moscow. in 8 volumes, 2004. ISBN 5 203 01875 - 8)

Joseph Stalin died on March 5, 1953 (according to the official version, from a massive cerebral hemorrhage). The sarcophagus with his body was installed in the Mausoleum next to Lenin's sarcophagus.

The system of power in the USSR and Stalin’s place in it

(and also a little about the “hit lists”, idols and moral authorities of the “debunkers of Stalinism” )

Just as the Earth used to rest on three pillars, so the stories about Stalin rest on two main dogmas. The first is that Stalin is a pathological Villain, and is simply not very good man, and from here follow the horror stories about “the paranoia of a despot,” “the oriental cunning of a tyrant,” and the like. And the second is that Stalin was an “Omnipotent Tyrant.” And hence the horror stories that his Power was “unlimited”: either because he had “Unlimited powers”, or not, but precisely in violation of all laws, he used this very “ unlimited Power", appropriating and usurping this very Power.

This wonderful story, the story about Stalin’s “Omnipotence”, about his “Single Power”, that he “usurped Power in the USSR”, first removing and then killing all his fellow “Leninist guards”, allows the Debunkers of Stalinism to practically explain ALL! And the whistleblowers really like this story, that Stalin had “Unlimited Dictatorial” powers and Power without restrictions in Russia literally starting in 1922, from the very moment Lenin “made” him General Secretary of the Central Committee of the RCP (b). And even if Stalin did not have this Power formally, he had it “In fact”.

This story stems, on the one hand, from a misunderstanding of the system of power in the USSR in the 1930s, and on the other, from the primitive fraud of whistleblowers. Well, who today knows in detail the structure of the Slasti system in the USSR after the end of the Civil War, how the party structure operated? What “ratings” did the rest of the party leaders of those years have, and why did Stalin after some time have the greatest, and specifically among the people? And who will check the terrible tales of whistleblowers? But, in fact, in fact, Stalin is truly a de facto “usurper.” He really “concentrated immense power in his hands.” And he became a “usurper” primarily because he really removed from this very Power those same “faithful Leninists” who were also Trotsky’s accomplices in the further destruction of Russia. On “integrating” Russia into the “world financial and industrial” global economic system, integration on the terms and rules of the West, or rather, turning it into a vulgar raw materials colony of the West. Stalin ruled Russia with his supporters. And there was no place for “opposition” in this Government. All these “Trotskyists”, supporters of “world revolutions”, “right-wing” and “left-wing deviationists”, etc. carbonari of all stripes were removed from power and this is precisely what is blamed on Stalin. In this he was both a “tyrant” and a “usurper.”

In 1922, Lenin indeed, seemingly in opposition to his “sworn friend” Trotsky, came up with the post of General Secretary in the Central Committee of the RCP (b). The position is purely technical, and at that time does not play any role significant role. The duty of the General Secretary was purely organizational leadership of the same plenums of the Central Committee, conducting party congresses, Politburo meetings and other economic affairs. Before this, the same V.M. dealt with such issues. Molotov, Sverdlov's wife. But at first, in fact, it was not so much the General Secretary of the Central Committee at that time that was supposed to become a counterweight to Trotsky in the Politburo, but a new, expanded composition of the Politburo and the Central Committee of the party consisting of Trotsky’s opponents. In 1921, the Politburo included 5 people, and the Central Committee of the party consisted of 19 Human. Stalin was a member of the Politburo and his appointment as General Secretary, of course, strengthened his position. But in order to really weaken Trotsky’s position at the same Politburo meetings, Lenin introduced his people as candidates for Politburo members. Trotsky responded by increasing the composition of the Politburo at the Plenum of the Central Committee after the Tenth Congress in 1921. Lenin had to agree to expand the Politburo to 7 people and introduce Trotsky’s supporters into it. But then Lenin creates a new “secretariat” of the Central Committee, making the secretaries of the Central Committee (at that time in the Central Committee of the party there were 3 secretary) from technical workers to more significant figures, higher than the other members of the Central Committee, in fact equating them with members of the Politburo. And then Lenin makes another retaliatory move at the next, XI Congress, in 1922, against Trotsky.

In order to weaken the advantage of Trotsky and his people, Lenin introduced his supporters, or at least opponents of Trotsky, first at the expense of “candidates” for membership in the Politburo and the Central Committee, and then replaced them in the same Central Committee. At the XI Congress, Lenin organized 10 people their supporters, against Trotsky in the Central Committee of the RCP (b) consisting of 19 people. At the same time, the same Zinoviev, Kamenev and Bukharin were against Trotsky. They weren’t particularly for Stalin either, or rather, they simply didn’t consider him the Main Leader after Lenin, but each of them considered themselves the future Leader of the Party and the Country. They did not take Stalin into account at all. So, the “seminary dullness” works in the General Secretary, and let him tinker with “economic and technical” matters. In general, Stalin was underestimated by almost everyone. In addition to Molotov and some obvious supporters of Stalin, opponents of Trotsky and his friends and rivals. And Lenin. Who created such a counterweight to Trotsky so as not to allow him to reach Power in Russia. He took revenge, one might say, for the years of forced cooperation with Leiba, his “sworn friend.” Moreover, Stalin’s group really began to organize only at the moment when Lenin began to almost completely retire, already in 1923. Before this, Stalin did not particularly stick out from behind Lenin. Unlike Trotsky, who shone fieryly at rallies and meetings, which still causes delight among his fellow tribesmen even today - among the “historians” of the Mleczyn-Radzinsky-Svanidz.

And this is how Molotov himself talks in F. Chuev’s book “140 Conversations with Molotov” about those days and intrigues. The recording was made on a voice recorder:

« - At the X Party Congress (spring 1921) I was elected a member of the Central Committee of the party, and then at the Plenum of the Central Committee - a candidate member of the Politburo of the Central Committee. Then the Politburo of the Central Committee consisted of five members: Lenin, Stalin, Trotsky, Kamenev, Zinoviev and three candidate members of the Politburo: Molotov, Kalinin, Bukharin.

At the same time, I was elected one of the secretaries of the Central Committee, which entrusted me with a lot of organizational matters..."

According to Molotov, this role was assigned to him by Lenin - having a voice is preferable to Kalinin and Bukharin.

« - In March 1921, I was introduced as the first candidate to the Politburo so that I could replace the first sick Politburo member, Kalinin the second, and Bukharin the third. And there were five members of the Politburo. So practically Bukharin never had to replace anyone. “It was Lenin who decided so,” says Molotov.

- But when it became necessary to govern, Lenin brought everyone out into the open. He is not a discouraged person, he knew how use everyone - the Bolshevik, the half-Bolshevik, and the quarter-Bolshevik, but only competent ones. There were few literate people. In the Politburo, three out of five opposed Lenin every time. And he had to work with them. Good speakers, they can write an article, give a speech, capable people and those who sympathize with socialism, but are confused, while others are not. So choose.

- ... at the same time I stood quite high at the top, and in front of February revolution was in the Bureau of the Central Committee, one of three, and actively participated in the revolution,- and yet I am not yet from the old Leninist party of 1903-1904.

- Unexpectedly for myself, in 1921 I became Secretary of the Central Committee. Of the three secretaries there was a secretariat: Molotov, Yaroslavsky, Mikhailov, as was published, Molotov - Executive Secretary. At that time there was no first, general, there was a person in charge...

- I met with Lenin. We talked with him about a number of issues, then walked around the Kremlin. He says: “Only I advise you: You, as the Secretary of the Central Committee, should be engaged in political work, all technical work - for deputies and assistants. Until now, Krestinsky was the Secretary of the Central Committee, so he was a manager, and not the Secretary of the Central Committee! I was involved in all sorts of nonsense, not politics!”

- This is after the X Party Congress. And at the XI Congress, the so-called “list of tens” appeared - the names of prospective members of the Central Committee, supporters of Lenin. And against Stalin’s name, in Lenin’s hand, was written: “General Secretary.” Lenin organized a factional meeting of the “tens”. Somewhere near the Sverdlovsk Hall of the Kremlin I found a room, we agreed: a factional meeting, Trotskyists are not allowed, the workers’ opposition is not allowed, democratic centralism is not to be invited either,. I gathered, in my opinion, about twenty people from the largest organizations before the vote. Stalin even reproached Lenin, saying that we are having a secret or semi-secret meeting during the congress, somehow it turns out to be factional, and Lenin says: “Comrade Stalin, you are an old, experienced factionist! Don't doubt it, we can't do otherwise now. I want everyone to be well prepared for voting, I need to warn my comrades to firmly vote for this list without amendments! The “ten” list must be completed in its entirety. There is a great danger that they will start voting by person, adding: this is a good writer, we need him, this is a good speaker - and they will dilute the list, again we will not have a majority. How then to lead!” But at the Tenth Congress Lenin banned factions. AND voted with this note in parentheses. Stalin became General. Lenin this great work it was worth it. But, of course, he thought through the issue quite deeply and made it clear who to follow. Lenin, apparently, considered that I was an insufficient politician, but he kept me as a secretary and in the Politburo, and made Stalin General. He, of course, prepared, feeling his illness. Did he see his successor in Stalin? I think that this could also be taken into account. Why was the Secretary General needed? It never happened. But gradually Stalin's authority rose and grew into much more than Lenin had imagined or even considered desirable. But, of course, it was impossible to foresee everything, and in the conditions of intense struggle, an active group increasingly gathered around Stalin - Dzerzhinsky, Kuibyshev, Frunze and other very different people.

-- Lenin understood that from the point of view of complicating matters in the party and the state, Trotsky acted in a very destructive manner. Dangerous figure. One felt that Lenin would be glad to get rid of him, but he could not. And Trotsky had enough strong, direct supporters; there were also neither this nor that, but they recognized his great authority. Trotsky is a fairly intelligent, capable man and enjoyed enormous influence. Even Lenin, who waged an irreconcilable struggle with him, was forced to publish in Pravda that he had no disagreements with Trotsky on the peasant question. I remember this outraged Stalin as inconsistent with reality, and he came to Lenin. Lenin replies: “What can I do? Trotsky has an army in his hands, which is entirely made up of peasants. There is devastation in our country, and we will show the people that we are also squabbling at the top!»

- Lenin, no worse than Stalin, understood what Trotsky was, and believed that the time would come to remove Trotsky, to get rid of him.

- Zinoviev claimed leadership, the role of Lenin. And he achieved that at the 19th Party Congress, in 1923, while Lenin was still alive, he made a political report. And then he started an intrigue against Stalin and our entire group, which had gathered around Stalin. And soon Zinoviev and Kamenev, resting in Kislovodsk, summoned Rudzutak, then Voroshilov, walked there in the cave and argued that it was necessary to politicize the secretariat. They say that there is now only one real politician - Stalin, and such a secretariat must be created: Stalin, of course, remains, but we must add Zinoviev, Trotsky and Kamenev to him, I can’t say for sure now. Stalin, of course, immediately understood what the matter was: they wanted to leave him in the minority. This was the so-called “cave platform”. They had conversations in caves. Then Zinoviev wrote famous article big “Philosophy of the Epoch”, came out with his own guidelines, with a claim to leadership...

There was no gap yet, but it had already emerged and was deepening. Bukharin and Rykov then supported the line of Lenin and Stalin. Rykov became a member of the Politburo at the XI Congress. A Lenin never brought Dzerzhinsky into the Politburo - he could not forgive him for not supporting him on the Brest-Litovsk Peace Treaty and in the trade union discussion. There was no longer the same trust. Lenin was very strict about this.

- Lenin had close relations with Stalin, but more on a business basis. He raised Stalin much higher than Bukharin! And he didn’t just raise him, he made him his support in the Central Committee. And trusted him.

IN last period Lenin was very close to Stalin, and Lenin was probably the only one who visited Stalin’s apartment. Stalin several times submitted an application for release from the post of General Secretary, but his requests were rejected each time by the Party Central Committee! There was a struggle and it was necessary for Stalin to remain in this post. It was hard for Lenin, and he pulled the young people up.

- Lenin united the Politburo: the Russian himself, Stalin - the Georgian and three Jews - Trotsky, Zinoviev and Kamenev. Moreover, Trotsky was a constant opponent of Lenin before the revolution and after - on all major issues. Still, Lenin included him in the Politburo. And this is such a figure...

- Then there was the Secretariat of the Central Committee and the Organizing Bureau. At the Organizing Bureau, all sorts of organizational issues were resolved. Each Republican committee has a bureau. Only it was not called the Politburo or the Organizing Bureau; only the Ukrainians, in my opinion, had a Politburo.

- In 1921, after the X Congress of all members of the Central Committee there were only nineteen. And now there are only sixteen Politburo members. Then out of nineteen five were Politburo members and three are candidates. And the remaining eleven are local workers, some people's commissars....

- After the congress, at the Plenum of the Central Committee, Frunze introduced. Well, this, of course, was not his proposal, the poor guy was used, they flirted with him. It wasn’t that they slipped him in, but they convinced him: the Politburo needs to be updated. The new plenum met after the XI Congress, elects governing bodies, Politburo. Whom? Rises Frunze, suggests the number: “Seven people" Lenin: “How seven? It was always five before!” - "Who agrees?" Some confusion. Voted for seven. "Whom?" Frunze gets up again and says: “ Rykov and Tomsky». This, obviously, was the opinion of Zinoviev and Trotsky. Rykov and Tomsky themselves were swinging, and they wanted to use them. Lenin was dissatisfied, did not want to introduce them, but had to agree - it was also impossible to push them away... Trotsky was a member of the Politburo, but in fact then everyone was united around Stalin, including the rightists - Bukharin, Rykov. We then called ourselves “the majority” - against Trotsky.

He knew, he sensed, of course, a conspiracy. He is with his companions, and we are with ours. But he had few of them in the Politburo and the Central Committee, two or three people. There were from the workers' opposition - Shlyapnikov, from democratic centralism - Krestinsky.…»

- In 1921 I participated in Lenin’s conspiracy against Trotsky At the same time, Trotsky had virtually no doubt that he would be the new Ruler of Russia after Lenin’s death. First, back in July-August 1917, as a list, and not individually, as prescribed by the Charter, he and his group of “Mezhrayontsev” were accepted into the RSDLP(b) at the VI Party Congress. Later, Trotsky initiated the issue of freedom for factions formed according to nationality , but here he received a rebuff from Lenin. Then, at his insistence, and with the tacit consent of the top of the RCP (b), after the Civil War, Trotsky, while Lenin was still alive, dragged wholesale members of the Jewish socialist and communist parties into the “party of communists”. At the same time, the entire Zionist “Bund” was “accepted” into the RCP(b). Thus, having a minority in the party leadership while Lenin was alive, Trotsky had enough supporters and fellow tribesmen in the party itself, among ordinary members, which gave him an advantage at the same party congresses, where it was always possible to choose the Central Committee “needed” for him, and then the Politburo. Stalin, as the “General Secretary,” tried to convince the party leadership that each new member should be accepted into the party on a general basis, through primary cells and personally considering each candidate. However, Stalin's proposals remained unheeded. After this, the overall preponderance of the Trotskyists and their supporters in the RCP(b) became simply overwhelming. In all official places there hung portraits of Lenin and Trotsky, as the Main Leaders of the Revolution and Russia. Trotsky’s people were in all the main positions in the party and locally in the regions. The leadership of the OGPU and the Army was also under the control of Trotsky and his people. And after the death (already inevitable) of Lenin, Trotsky could quite reasonably count on his leadership. Therefore, he was not particularly worried about the fact that he did not have an overwhelming “majority” in the Leadership of the RCP (b). And that Stalin, “dullness and mediocrity,” “a seminarian dropout,” was beginning to gain strength there, Trotsky was also not very worried about.

It is unlikely that Lenin will be able to reproach Lenin for making a concession to Trotsky. In the end, Trotsky had such patrons and sponsors in the same USA that Lenin had to only silently agree with such an “expansion” of the party. In a specific situation, Lenin acted as always “optimally” (“The Leader of the world proletariat” was also a “politician” and knew how to maneuver to achieve his goals) and, most likely, was not even present at that VI Congress of the RSDLP(b). However, these historical episodes also help to understand and explain why Stalin had to fight for so long against Trotskyism, which subsequently penetrated many state and party structures. The enemies of the people (and our ancestors knew how to call a spade a spade) carefully hush up this circumstance, completely attributing party purges and repressions only to the mythical “pathological suspicion” and “paranoia” of Stalin.

Trotsky simply did not come to Lenin's funeral. He simply ignored them. Apparently he thought that they would bring him the crown Russian Empire on a towel and all he has to do is place it on his head. But after Lenin’s death, the “insidious” Stalin makes a cunning move. He takes the “oath” at the Leader’s funeral. He swears allegiance to the “Leninist covenants”, calls himself a faithful “disciple” of Lenin, and then announces and offers a “Leninist” call to the party. As a result, 25 thousand new communists were accepted into the party. The party turned out to be “diluted” by Russians - workers, soldiers, peasants, those who, for the most part, were not supporters of Trotsky and his fellow tribesmen. Thus, Stalin, having made the same maneuver as Trotsky, which involved dragging his fellow tribesmen wholesale into the party at one time, creating a preponderance of votes in his favor, bypassed Trotsky, receiving significant support from ordinary party members against the Trotskyists for the future. And it seems that Trotsky himself was very upset that Stalin turned out to be smarter than Leiba expected from his not very talkative rival, who never shone at the same rallies and congresses for which the “Demon of the Revolution” was very famous..

However, Stalin did not have an advantage in leading the country for a long time. The post of “Secretary General” did not provide any special advantages in the leadership of either the party or the country. Even in the Party Charter there was simply no such post - General Secretary. In the USSR, or rather in the leadership of the party, there was generally “democracy”. More precisely, it can be called the “Seven Boyars”. Ten members of the Politburo, several dozen members of the Central Committee, and who else had a majority was a big question. In Russia, the country was collectively led by the Bolshevik Party, in which decisions were made collectively. The government of the country consisted of the same members of the Central Committee and the Politburo, and was completely subordinate to the decisions of the Central Committee, which at that time consisted of Trotsky’s supporters.

The highest party authority was the Party Congress. The decisions approved by the congress were binding on the party leadership and had to be “implemented.” Members of the Central Committee and members of the Politburo were also approved at the congresses. And also the secretaries of the Central Committee and the same position of “General Secretary” for Stalin, proposed by Lenin, but never formally approved until Stalin’s death in the wording of the same Party Charter. At the same Politburo, it was possible to remove the First Secretary, making him an “ordinary” member of the Central Committee, and even the “General Secretary,” but the Plenum of the Central Committee, assembled at the request of a member of the Central Committee, could have annulled this decision. This situation occurred in 1957, when Molotov organized a vote at the Politburo to remove Khrushchev and Khrushchev was removed from the post of First Secretary of the CPSU Central Committee. But brought military transport aviation At the command of Defense Minister Zhukov, members of the Central Committee from the regions and territories reinstated Khrushchev, and Molotov’s “anti-party” group was removed from their posts and expelled from the party.

Now a little about the General Secretary of the Central Committee of the RCP (b) - 1918-1925, CPSU (b) - 1925-1952.

The position itself was introduced on April 3, 1922 at the Plenum of the Central Committee of the RCP (b), elected at the XI Congress of the RCP (b). Lenin proposed Stalin for this position and the Plenum approved him. At first the position was more technical. However, as Stalin’s Influence grew, his supporters strengthened in the party and in the Leadership, as the decisions proposed by Stalin were increasingly approved at party congresses and carried out in the form of Reforms in the country, the position of “General Secretary” began to be associated with the Highest post in the Party. Although such a position was not officially recorded in the Charter of the RCP (b), RCP (b), and the CPSU until 1966.

At the Plenum of the Central Committee of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks in 1931, this very question was raised, like, it’s time to kick Stalin out of the “general secretaries”, this is a violation of the Party Charter. And they would have been kicked out, but the situation was saved by Kaganovich, one of Stalin’s supporters and his “de facto” deputy in the party. The Jew Kaganovich was the second person in the party at that time. It seems that having eliminated the Jew Trotsky, who had powerful connections in the West and especially in America, Stalin “exchanged” the latter for the Jew Kaganovich, so as not to taunt the influential world Zionist structures too much? But be that as it may, Kaganovich defended Stalin, and it was proposed that the question of the “General Secretary” of the Central Committee of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks, proposed back in 1922 by “Lenin himself,” be brought up for discussion at the next Party Congress. Like, “let’s leave everything as it is, but we’ll move the question itself to the 17th Congress.” But it was from 1931 that Stalin, for all sorts of reasons and in order not to tease the “oppositionists”, or rather according to Stalin’s official position in the party, began to sign as “First Secretary”, or even simply “Secretary of the Central Committee I. Stalin”.

(After the end of the Civil War, with the beginning of Reforms in the country, in industry and agriculture (“Industrialization” and “Collectivization”), factions and all sorts of “deviations” were prohibited in the party. Prohibited at least, because carrying out Reforms can always be simply “ chat” in “discussions between factions” and different “opinions” of various groups. And not only the Trotskyists, who, under the guise of a “discussion” about the paths of Reforms, simply disrupted the implementation of these very reforms, but also yesterday’s Leninists could chat. in Wikipedia, on the Internet on this issue. For example, the head of the government of the RSFSR, chairman of the Council of People's Commissars of the RSFSR, was S.I. Syrtsov from May 1929. A Bolshevik since 1913, an active revolutionary until 1917 and an active fighter against the White Cossacks on the Don. During the Civil War, he was a military commissar of the 12th Army of the Red Army and one of the organizers of the “de-Cossackization.” According to his proposals, the Cossacks were evicted, and Russians from Central Russia were resettled to their farms. In 1921, he took part in the suppression of the Kronstadt uprising. From 1921 to 1926 - head of departments of the Central Committee of the RCP (b). Since 1924, Head of the Agitation and Promotion Department of the Central Committee, editor of the magazine “Communist Revolution”. From 1926 to 1929 - Secretary of the Siberian Regional Committee of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks. Member of the Central Committee of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks in 1927-1930. Candidate member of the Politburo in 1929-1930. Member of the All-Russian Central Executive Committee and the Central Executive Committee of the USSR. Since May 1929, Syrtsov became chairman of the Council of People's Commissars of the RSFSR (chairman of the government), where A.I. Rykov worked before him. In the 1920s, he actively fought both against the Trotskyist-Zinovievist opposition and against the “right deviation” of the Bukharins. But since 1929, Syrtsov, as the head of the government of the RSFSR, began to openly criticize Stalin. In 1929, at a meeting of the Council of People's Commissars of the RSFSR, he criticized the practice of implementation and the pace of industrialization, and in 1929 he raised the question of removing Stalin from the post of “Secretary General”. Syrtsov called Stalin “a thick-headed man who is leading the country to destruction.” In April 1930, Syrtsov became the head of the “right-left bloc.” Created focal point(I.O. Nusinov, V.A. Kavraisky, Yu.A. Galperin, V.A. Kurts), who blocked with a group of party Central Committee member V.V. Lominadze, whose leadership core included L.A. Shatsky and V.D. Reznik. They just wanted to raise the issue of removing Stalin from the post of “General Secretary” at the next plenum of the Central Committee. But the same Lominadze betrayed the “conspirators” and their plans to Stalin. Therefore, on November 3, 1930, Syrtsov was removed from the post of chairman of the Council of People's Commissars of the RSFSR for “factional activities”, removed from the Politburo and the Central Committee of the All-Union Communist Party (Bolsheviks) and sent to party work in the Urals. On December 1, a resolution of the Central Committee and the Central Control Commission “On the factional work of Syrtsov, Lominadze and others” appeared. and after that Syrtsov and Lominadze were expelled from the Central Committee.

In the Urals, since 1931, Syrtsov was the chairman of the board of the Expoles joint-stock company, managing the trust (it’s strange to read about “joint-stock companies” in the USSR during the time of Stalin - it turns out that there were also “shareholders” - “concessionaires”?). In 1935-1937 - director of the plant in Elektrostal. In 1937, he was arrested and sentenced to death by the Military Collegium of the Supreme Court of the USSR. Shot on September 10, 1937. If the “Syrtsov Case” were available and published, then it would be possible, of course, to say exactly what Syrtsov was actually accused of this time. Was he even guilty, did he participate in any conspiracies against the party leadership led by Stalin, and did he fall under the repressions organized by anti-Stalinists in 1937, when everything was destroyed in order to discredit the country’s leadership and disrupt Stalin’s Reforms.

But one way or another, people like Syrtsov, active anti-Trotskyists, also participated in an attempt to remove Stalin from the post of “Secretary General” of the party in 1930.)

After the XVII Congress of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks, held in 1934, the post of “General Secretary” was renamed “First Secretary”. The Plenum of the Central Committee of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks elected the “Secretariat of the Central Committee” of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks, consisting of 4 people with equal powers and the right to sign Documents, as well as having equal rights in conducting meetings of the Plenums of the Central Committee of the Party and the Politburo, in the absence of a “first” secretary Central Committee. This Secretariat included, in alphabetical order - A.A. Zhdanov, L.M. Kaganovich, S.M. Kirov and I.V. Stalin. After that, no one signed their names with the phrase “General Secretary”. Only “Secretary of the Central Committee”. Subsequent changes and updates to the composition of the Secretariat of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (b) in 1939 and 1946 were also carried out with the election of nominal Equal secretaries of the Central Committee. That is why the same Directive No. 3 of June 22, 1941 on the launch of a general counter-offensive against the attacking Enemy with the crossing of the state border was signed not only by the People's Commissar of Defense Timoshenko and the Chief of the General Staff Zhukov, as the previous No. 1 of the evening of June 21 and No. 2 of the morning of June 22 June, but also “Secretary of the Central Committee” Malenkov. Why didn’t “First Secretary” Stalin, but simply “Secretary of the Central Committee” Malenkov sign that directive? Yes, simply because Malenkov, as Secretary of the Central Committee, was a member of the Defense Council and oversaw Headquarters at that time. (Directive No. 3 on launching a general offensive against the attacking enemy and on crossing the state border was the initiative of the military, Zhukov and Timoshenko. And subsequently the same G.K. Zhukov assured everyone in his “Memoirs” that he was “forced” to sign this Directive Stalin that he didn’t see her at all and at that time, on the evening of June 22, he had already left for Kyiv, to help the commander of the Kyiv district, Kirponos, to organize the defense of Ukraine. Maybe Stalin in this situation simply allowed the military to prove themselves? is complete nonsense of the military, he did not sign it as the head of the government, but “framed” Malenkov, just as he “framed” Molotov to announce the Beginning of the War and the Attack of Germany? But Molotov was not the “secretary” of the Central Committee, he was a member of the Politburo of the CPSU (b) and he was the People's Commissar for Foreign Affairs. And he could make such statements for the country simply as an official and as the second person in the country after Stalin. So, there is nothing mysterious in these events. Everyone was engaged in the work for which he was responsible according to his duties. That's all. Probably, due to his position, the same Kalinin, as Chairman of the Supreme Council, could have announced an attack by Germany. But the country knew more than Molotov and Stalin. Therefore, Kalinin was not suitable for such a Statement.)

At the 19th Congress of the CPSU in 1952, Stalin submitted his resignation from the post of “First Secretary of the Central Committee.” At the Plenum of the CPSU Central Committee, held after the congress, on October 16, 1952, Stalin was elected one of the secretaries of the Central Committee, but not First Secretary. The post of “first secretary” remains vacant. In November of the same year, M.G. was elected to this post, “First Secretary of the CPSU Central Committee”. Malenkov. Stalin also liquidated the Politburo, according to the new Charter of the CPSU, which previously consisted of 10 people, and introduced the “Presidium of the CPSU Central Committee” of 25 people.

After Stalin’s death in March 1953, in September 1953, at the Plenum of the CPSU Central Committee, Malenkov himself also vacated the post of “First Secretary of the Central Committee” of the party and Khrushchev was elected to it. Well, in 1966, under L.I. Brezhnev, already at the XXIII Congress of the CPSU, changes were adopted to the CPSU Charter and the position of “General Secretary of the CPSU Central Committee” became official.

Formally, there were no deputies for the “First Secretary of the Central Committee”, the post of “2nd Secretary of the Central Committee” did not exist and did not exist. But according to an unwritten hierarchy, for example, members of the Politburo were listed not in alphabetical order, but in the order of their importance, and from this order it was possible to draw conclusions about the influence of a particular person. This rule was also observed in the “Secretariat of the Central Committee”. Until about 1932, L.M. Kaganovich (and the “Kaganovich clan” standing behind him) was considered the “second” secretary, which was what Stalin defended in 1931, when the “Leninist guards” tried to remove Stalin from power by depriving him of the unofficial post of “general secretary” parties. However, in 1932-1952, V.M. was considered the second person in the USSR. Molotov, although he was not a member of the Secretaries of the Central Committee, but “only” in the Politburo. (In 1990-1991, they nevertheless created the position of “Deputy General Secretary of the CPSU Central Committee.” They appointed little-known V.I. Ivashko to it, who theoretically could replace the General Secretary, but in fact did not show himself in any way in this position. Even when Secretary General Gorbachev was isolated in Foros during the State Emergency Committee in August 1991.)

Thus, the story circulating among the people is that Stalin was the “Most Important” in the party, had “Unlimited Dictatorial powers” ​​and only he made decisions “Alone”, or with a group of his supporters and therefore only he alone is responsible for those “mass repression”, as for everything else negative, becomes simply stupid. And he cannot be held responsible for the “positive”, because there was “no positive” at all, because Stalin himself was a “disgusting and disgusting” person both from birth and, in essence.

In order to “prove” that Stalin is the “Main Person” in the USSR and therefore is the “Main Organizer of mass repressions” and especially in relation to the same members of the families of the repressed, “whistleblowers” ​​in disputes on the same Internet cite “murderous documents” (as This is what they understand and think):

-- “...No. P 51/144 5.VII 1937
...144 - NKVD question.

1. Accept the proposal of the People's Commissar of Internal Affairs to imprison in camps for 5-8 years all the wives of convicted traitors to the homeland, members of the right-wing Trotskyist espionage and sabotage organization, according to the list presented.

2. Suggest to the People's Commissariat for Internal Affairs to organize special camps for this in the Narym region and the Turgai region of Kazakhstan.

3. From now on, establish a procedure according to which all wives of right-wing Trotskyist spies exposed as traitors to the homeland are subject to imprisonment in camps for no less than 5-8 years.

4. All orphans under 15 years of age remaining after conviction will be taken into custody state provision, as for children over 15 years of age, the issue must be decided individually.

... SECRETARY OF THE Central Committee I. STALIN.”

In pursuance of this Politburo resolution, the head of the NKVD, Yezhov, signed order No. 00486:

“Upon receipt of this order, begin the repression of the wives of traitors to the motherland, members of right-wing Trotskyist espionage and sabotage organizations, convicted by the military board and military tribunals of the first and second categories, starting from August 1, 1936.
When carrying out this operation, be guided by the following:

...5) The following are not subject to arrest:
...b) wives of convicts who exposed their husbands and reported information about them to the authorities, which served as the basis for the investigation and arrest of their husbands.

...PEOPLE'S COMMISSIONER OF INTERNAL AFFAIRS OF THE USSR, GENERAL COMMISSIONER OF STATE SECURITY (Yezhov)...".

To which the whistleblower receives the following response on the Internet:

- “...how did you torture with your lies... . You read: “...Accept the proposal of the People’s Commissariat for Internal Affairs!!!”

Then why did “the head of the NKVD Yezhov sign order No. 00486”? It was “In pursuance of this Politburo resolution,” and not the other way around, that Yezhov pushed through HIS DECISION???”

To which the “whistleblower” famously replied:

-- “... Is there anything specifically to object to regarding the repressions against “family members” of “enemies of the people” or, as always, the usual chatter? Can you at least confirm any of the nonsense that has been written with any facts?..”

I'll try to explain again in more detail. In the Document signed by Stalin, which was brought by the “whistleblower”, it is written – “...1. Accept the proposal of the People's Commissar of Internal Affairs to imprison in camps for 5-8 years all the wives of convicted traitors to the homeland members...” This means that the People's Commissar of Internal Affairs Yezhov had previously submitted a document to the Central Committee and the Politburo in which he requested permission to arrest family members of arrested Trotskyist terrorists. (Members of the families of common criminals and the same hard-working peasants were not imprisoned?)

If you carefully read the Historian Yu. Zhukov on this issue, you will find out that Stalin during this period of time did not have a majority in the Central Committee at all, at which these resolutions were adopted. He signed them, first of all, because he had the right to sign as the “First Secretary” of the Central Committee and, even more so, simply had to sign it due to party discipline. If he had refused, then of course he would have been immediately removed from the post of “first secretary” of the Central Committee of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks and himself arrested in five minutes. If you want, you can accuse Stalin of Cowardice. But the historian Yu. Zhukov, who is not a Stalinist himself, is in no hurry to do this. Well, Stalin would not have put his signature. Well, they would have arrested him and shot him soon (back then, in general, such things were decided quickly). But three more members of the Central Committee could put the same signature, as equals to Stalin. In the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks, the Collective Management of the Party flourished at that time; this method of managing the party and the country can be called the “Seven Boyars,” and any of the four secretaries of the Central Committee with equal powers could give sanctions to the NKVD and Yezhov for the requested repressions. And if they began to refuse, then the Central Committee assembled at the plenum would simply re-elect these people and choose others, more accommodating. And so at least Stalin did everything in his power to curtail the appetites of the hedgehogs and other Eikhe with the Khrushchevs for the “destruction of the enemies of the people,” which it was they who organized.

But after Stalin replaced the majority of the “Leninist guards” and “Trotskyists” in the Central Committee with his supporters, only after that did he really, in fact become the “Head of Russia” and you can hang many dogs on him, if of course it works out. Moreover, when he put Beria in charge of the NKVD in 1938, and by the summer of ’41, Beria freed over 500 thousand people imprisoned in ’37, and canceled most of those same cannibalistic decrees on the NKVD. Beria also freed, and Stalin reinstated in the Army, 16 thousand dismissed and imprisoned in the Tukhachevsky case. Debunkers of Stalinism have been asked more than once: why did Stalin release, and especially reinstate, officers in the Army? Moreover, these 16 thousand did not make any special difference for the Army. If only they morally acted positively on others, and they gained confidence in the Law. That will always be sorted out. However, the Whistleblowers have never answered these and other questions that were and are being asked to them.

However, Stalin’s haters have a wonderful answer to all the “strange” questions of the Stalinists: “Why did Stalin first dispossess kulakism, then return them to their rights, creating a Constitution with alternative Elections, then again he began to imprison and shoot everyone, even children, then the military “Best” interrupted, although he himself constantly intimidated everyone, insisted that War was just around the corner, although, of course, no Hitler was going to attack anyone, then he started rearmament of the Army, then again he imprisoned and shot everyone among the military, then, then... " And the exposer has a simple and wonderful answer: Stalin was paranoid.

But precisely when Stalin removed the remnants of the Lenin-Trotskyist “guard” from power
It was after this that the hysteria about his “tyranny and usurpacy” began. But even after this, Stalin never made decisions alone. Even during the War years: “T. Zhukov and Vasilevsky with Rokossovsky. Go out and think for about 40 minutes. Then come in and say your decision.” After that, they returned and insisted on their own. And Stalin was not and did not intend to become Secretary General, and in 1952 he was going to leave the Central Committee and remain only in the Pre-Council. Which caused hysteria among party comrades. The presence of only one Party leads to the Degradation of the Party and society, which depends on this Party, and Stalin understood this. Therefore, in 1936 he tried to limit the Party by introducing a New Constitution, and in 1952 by introducing a new Charter of the CPSU. Read the historian, not the “Stalinist” Yu. Zhukov.

And these were not the “Manila” fantasies of the “Dictator”. These were the concrete steps of the Reformer with the Constitution in 1936, according to which the Communist Party did not occupy the most important place in society (the article on the “leading and guiding role of the party” appeared under Brezhnev in the mid-1970s). And elections to government bodies were to be held on an alternative basis, with several candidates for the post - and any such candidate could be nominated public organizations and ordinary citizens. Reformer Stalin took the same concrete steps with the reorganization of the Party in 1952. And that is precisely why he was killed. And in 1937 they would have killed even faster. And the “fiery revolutionaries” would kill anyone in such a situation. And today they will kill any reformer. And in America they will kill (like Kennedy was killed) if such a reformer or president encroaches on the pocket and power of the “elite”, both here and among the Zulus in the African tribe.

Now imagine that Stalin would have boldly spoken to the Central Committee and fought with Eiche and the Khrushchevs already in 1937. Well, they would have destroyed him, like the nobles of Paul 1 destroyed him in the 1800s. But today, of course, Stalin would not have been given any “Rehabilitation,” as Zhukov the historian says. There would be no one to “Rehabilitate” Stalin. There would be no country. After all, there were only 4 years left until the 41st year. And this year would have come no matter the balance of power in Russia. After all, World War II had to happen regardless of who ruled in Russia. The question was about the global redistribution of the World in favor of the United States (look at the results of the Second World War - you can see from them who received what Advantages as a result of the War). And Stalin in this Russia or who else rules is the third question. Stalin was the most inconvenient Leader. It was the “villain and tyrant” who did not want to hand over Russia to the West for division even then, as they later handed over Gorbi-EBN. That's all. That's why they still hate him fiercely. Here you have the Zionists and the rest of the world’s financial and industrial scum. Each group made their own Plans for Russia... But Stalin ruined them all in the 20th century.

And I would like to advise the “whistleblowers”: You must handle documents carefully, dear friends. Otherwise, you can become embarrassed due to ignorance and lack of understanding of the processes taking place then, lack of understanding of the role and place of each participant in those events. Better yet, destroy us with “oral” tales. It will be more fun.

But the Whistleblowers stubbornly repeat:

-- "Here! Well, it’s just more pleasant to read a coherent text on the essence of the problem! I already wanted to move on to repressions in the Soviet army, but now I see that one more question needs to be covered - about Stalin’s role in governing the state during the Great Terror, although, to my taste, it is obvious. But let's look at this anyway.
Several major misconceptions. Firstly, most of the fateful decisions for the USSR, incl. and about repressions, was adopted by the Central Committee. It is not true. All these decisions were made by the Politburo. This is exactly what the Politburo resolutions are.
Generally speaking, according to the most democratic constitution in history, which was written by the enemy of the people Bukharin with the participation of the enemy of the people Radek, it was believed that the main body of power in the USSR was the Supreme Council and its All-Russian Central Executive Committee. So formally the head of the USSR then was Kalinin. Here's a new sneaky trick for you, Stalinists - you can put all the blame for the repressions on Kalinin. He was in charge of everything.
Now about party affairs. Again, formally the main congress here is the All-Union Communist Party (Bolsheviks), then the Plenum of the Central Committee, and only then the Politburo. But in reality, it was the Politburo that had full power - simply because, unlike the Congress and the Plenum, it was a permanent body, as I already wrote about.
Yu shares the same position. Zhukov, saying that in the resolution of the June 1937 Plenum there was not a word about mass repressions. However, immediately after the end of the Plenum, on July 2 and 5, we have Politburo resolutions on repression “according to limits” and repression of “family members” of “enemies of the people.” With this, I consider the key role of the Politburo of the Central Committee of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks in the system of the then government to be proven.
Now we open the work “The Tragedy of the Soviet Village” by V.P. Danilov (vol. 5, part 1) and read there what finally formed the then “vertical of power” “the decision of the Politburo of April 14, 1937 on the creation of a permanent commission under the Politburo” in order to prepare..., and in case of special urgency - and to resolve - issues of a secret nature... composed of comrades Stalin, Molotov, Voroshilov, Kaganovich L. and Ezhov. current issues of an economic nature” another permanent commission was created “composed of comrade. Molotov, Stalin, Chubar, Mikoyan and Kaganovich L.” 4 (Stalin’s Politburo in the 30s: Collection of documents. M., 1995. P. 55.). The creation of a special Politburo commission to urgently resolve “secret issues” with the participation of Yezhov meant the emergence of supreme body leadership of the policy and practice of terror... In the protocols where the adoption of these decisions was recorded (on repression - j.r), there is no indication of the participants at all, which is mandatory in the Politburo protocols. Most often there is no signature of the “Secretary of the Central Committee”. Where it is present, it is always Stalin’s signature.” Here is the really main governing body of power during the terror, which made decisions on repressions. Let’s look at its composition - was there opposition to Stalin THERE?
Lazar Kaganovich. Here are some fragments of Kaganovich’s letters to his Politburo colleagues (chiefly addressed to Ordzhonikidze) 1935-36: “Things are going well here. To briefly characterize, I can briefly repeat what Mikoyan and I said to Comrade Kalinin when he went to Sochi. Before leaving, he asks us what to tell the Master? We told him: tell him that “the country and the party are well charged, that the shooter is resting, and things are going well - the army is shooting.” What is happening, for example, with grain procurements this year is a completely unprecedented, stunning victory of ours - the victory of Stalinism"; "Our main latest news is the appointment of Yezhov. This wonderful, wise decision of our parent matured and met with excellent attitude in the party and the country"; "In general, it’s very difficult without an owner, but when you left, it’s even harder. But, unfortunately, we have to clutter things up in large quantities owner and disrupt his rest, while words cannot express how valuable his health and vigor are for us, who love him so much and for the whole country"; "Here, brother, is the great dialectic in politics, which our great friend and parent possesses in perfection" .
At this point, I consider the question of Kaganovich’s possible opposition closed.
Voroshilov. This is Stalin’s old promoter from the Civil War. On Stalin's initiative, he was appointed People's Commissar of Defense. One of the few who addressed - publicly! - to Stalin on a first name basis. The question of Voroshilov’s possible opposition is also closed.
The same goes for Molotov and Yezhov.
So what follows from here? Whatever one may say, Stalin and his prostitutes bear responsibility for the mass repressions of 1937-38.
It is not clear on which side Eikhe, and even more so Khrushchev, is here. Both named “figures” really “distinguished themselves” during repressions “according to limits,” but exclusively within their regions - Zap-Sib and Moscow Region, respectively.
Now a few more points.
"1. Accept the proposal of the People's Commissar of Internal Affairs to imprison all wives of convicted traitors to the homeland in camps for 5-8 years...". This means that the People's Commissar of Internal Affairs Yezhov had previously submitted a document to the Central Committee and the Politburo in which he asked for permission to arrest family members of arrested Trotskyist terrorists." - That's it! The right phrase! And the Politburo gave this permission.
“(Members of the families of ordinary criminals and the same hard-working peasants were not imprisoned, it seems?)” - Members of the families of criminals were not imprisoned. What about family members of working people? Who should be imprisoned then? My dear, all former oppositionists, oppositionists of the 1920s, were imprisoned even before 1937. And at the February-March Plenum, Stalin declared that the “Trotskyist reserve” in the USSR was “the remnants of the defeated exploiting classes.” And who is it? Yes, former kulaks who returned from the northern outskirts of the Motherland! It was their family members who were imprisoned first...
Regarding the repressions against “family members”, which you still, as I understand, consider a cruel violation of the law, a very powerful, invincible argument was presented - look at what is happening in Israel. I answer - in America, blacks were hung! YES! IT WAS! But for the life of me I don’t see what connection these crimes (as well as the crimes committed by the Israeli authorities) have with the crimes committed by Stalin. Is it just that both are misanthropic crimes...”

The Stalinist responds to such a well-read person:

-- “For the especially stupid and camels for the THIRD TIME... AT THE DURATION OF THE Plenum of the Central Committee, the Politburo DID NOT HAVE ANY power, it was precisely this circumstance that was significant at the fateful moment of making decisions on the deployment of mass repressions in July 1937. Stalin was just one of them.
Khrushchev later took advantage of this when Molotov, Kaganovich and others kicked Khrushchev out of the Politburo. The cunning corn farmer convened the Plenum of the Central Committee, and Zhukov transported delegates in 1956 on military planes.

Similarly, the events in Chisinau, the pogroms in April 2009 - after the elections and before the election of the new president, Voronin was formally no one to call.
Likewise, a certain Bakhmina did not have the authority to control the fate of Tomskneft, with RARE exceptions, when the president of Tomskneft is sick or on vacation, for which an order was issued indicating the person to whom the authority was TEMPORARILY given. Aleksanyan realized in his schemes that there was a hole in the Charter: these powers could be transferred to any passer-by on the street, without asking the shareholders

The appointment of Yezhov CLEARLY shows that Stalin’s position in Sochi at that time was not only worse than the governor’s, but also significantly worse than Gorbachev’s in Foros, or Khrushchev’s in the same Sochi in 1964... Why worse? Neither Gorbachev nor Khrushchev conceded in the end. Stalin had to hastily agree with Yezhov’s appointment. The concealment of the order on the appointment of Yezhov by the Shatunovskaya commission in Khrushchev’s times, as well as the complete destruction at the same time of the transcripts of the Plenum of June 1937, will not help mislead us ... "

- “Well, my dear, I understand that you are a biased person, but only someone who has tried very hard can fail to see that the speaker who objected to me is better off chewing than speaking.
Well, what did they say? In general, what if the June plenum of the Central Committee is to blame for the repressions and is it more important than the Politburo? Well, I’ll explain for the sake of the poor: at this Plenum there was no talk of repression.

We read Yu. Zhukov:
“At the plenum itself, not a word was spoken that provided the basis for the adoption of the document of July 2 (in principle, we could finish the quotation here, but let’s continue - j.r). Thus, in Yakovlev’s report one can count only a few phrases, and even then not related to one period, about “enemies”, moreover, in relation to specific party and Soviet workers. Stetsky did not touch upon this problem at all in his speech, and Molotov devoted only three minutes to it during an hour-long speech. Only two of those who participated in the debate spoke, albeit in passing, about the need to remember the existence of political opponents. A.P. Grichmanov: “Many workers... do nothing regarding exposing enemies.” U.D. Isaev: “In the elections we will be faced with a situation of direct class struggle. Mullahs, Trotskyists, all sorts of other counter-revolutionary elements are already preparing for elections, they are already fighting against us...” (RGASPI F. 17. Op. 2. D. 616. L. 129, 154.).
In a word, the Plenum of the Central Committee did not give “sanctions” on repression. It ended at the very end of June 1937. And already on July 2, 1937, we have a Politburo resolution on repression “according to limits,” accepted for execution by the NKVD and local party bodies. Well, after this we need to explain which government body actually determined domestic policy? Don't make yourself look like idiots.
They tell you that the head of state at that time, according to the Constitution, was Kalinin, blame everything on him, it will be funnier.
And knowing that the Politburo has a permanent commission for preparing and resolving issues of a secret nature, consisting of Stalin, Molotov, Kaganovich, Voroshilov and Yezhov, we can identify the initiators of this resolution. That's all…".

-- « IV June Plenum of the Central Committee. - “This plenum, held on June 23-29, until recently represented a blank spot in the history of the party. The official report about it stated that it approved a new electoral law - the regulation on elections to the Supreme Soviet of the USSR and considered three narrow economic issues: the improvement grain seeds, the introduction of correct crop rotations and measures to improve the operation of MTS...
These issues, as can be seen from the transcript of the plenum, were actually considered at its meetings on June 27-29. However, this official, purely peaceful agenda camouflaged the main content of the work of the plenum, the first point of which was the discussion of Yezhov’s report on the disclosure by the People’s Commissar of Internal Affairs of a grandiose conspiracy involving prominent figures of the party and the country. (and Yezhov’s request for sanctions against “enemies of the people”)

Discussion of Yezhov’s “message” took up the first four days of the plenum. Yezhov argued that the latest testimony received by his department leads to the conclusion: the scope of the conspiracy is so great that the country is on the verge of a civil war, which only state security agencies can prevent... Based on this, Yezhov demanded that his People's Commissariat be given emergency powers.
46 members and candidates for members of the Central Committee elected at the XVII Congress did not take part in the work of the June plenum. Nevertheless, even among the remaining participants of the plenum there were people who decided to speak out against Stalin’s terror.

There is almost no data available about the speeches of these individuals, as well as in general about what happened during the discussion of the first item on the agenda. The materials of the plenum, located in the former Central Party Archive, contain an entry unprecedented in the history of plenums of the Central Committee: “For June 22-26, the meetings of the plenum were not recorded in shorthand.” About what happened during these tragic days, we can get an idea only from a few fragmentary materials contained in the corresponding archival file, and from a few memoir sources.

These performances (against Stalin's line - my comment) were preceded by secret meetings, conventionally called "cups of tea" by their participants. In 1963, the old Bolshevik Temkin reported that while staying in the same prison cell with I.A. Pyatnitsky, he learned from him: at “cups of tea” the issue of removing Stalin from the leadership of the party was discussed at the plenum. One of the interlocutors informed Stalin about the content of these conversations, thereby giving him the opportunity to prepare a counter-attack, which consisted, apparently, primarily in the preventive expulsion from the party of a large group of members and candidates for membership of the Central Committee.

Khrushchev, who repeatedly returned in his memoirs to the events of 1937-1938, reported almost nothing about the work of this, as well as subsequent plenums of the Central Committee, at which two-thirds of the Central Committee was expelled. The only event that he described more than once (without mentioning that it happened precisely at the June plenum) was the speech of G. N. Kaminsky.

The memories of members of the Presidium of the Central Committee about one fragment of this speech played an important role in the arrest of Beria in 1953. When the leaders of the post-Stalin “collective leadership” decided to get rid of Beria, they, according to Khrushchev, had no direct evidence of his crimes, “everything was based on intuition.” It was then that Khrushchev remembered Kaminsky’s speech at the June plenum, where “every speaker had to criticize someone.” This casual phrase from Khrushchev says a lot about the atmosphere that developed at the plenum...”

So it turns out that there are no protocols-transcripts of the Plenum of the Central Committee of June 1937, at which they were adopted by a majority vote(and these were not Stalin’s supporters) there is no decision to begin mass repressions against former “kulaks” priests and other “anti-Soviet elements” who have been returned to their rights for one very Important reason. Either they are destroyed, or they are hidden on the farthest shelf of the farthest Archive. At this Plenum, Stalin was against these very “mass repressions”, for which Khrushchev and company were blamed on him after his death. The majority at the plenum, those whom Stalin later, with the help of Beria in 1938-1939, put against the wall for these same repressions, and who were then wholesale “Rehabilitated” by Khrushchev as “innocent victims of Stalin’s tyranny,” and are responsible for unleashing the massacre 1937. This is the same “majority” in the Central Committee, which was the real Power in the country, but not Stalin the dictator. It was the majority of the Central Committee that determined the fate of the country, and not the one and only “Tyrant Stalin,” who supposedly had “Unlimited Powers of Power.” And the Central Committee consisted of the first secretaries of the regions and territories of the USSR, i.e. people who have all the power locally, in the regions.

The “faithful Leninists” staged this Massacre because at the upcoming Elections under the new Stalinist Constitution (precisely Stalin’s, not Bukharin’s and Radek’s), which were also discussed at the Plenum, the population of the USSR could and should have given them a ride. They would remember everything. Both decossackization and dispossession. And the bombed churches (and according to the 1937 census, one third of the urban population and half of the rural population called themselves “Orthodox”), and the famine of 1932-1933 with the drive into collective farms in a couple of weeks, and the suppression peasant uprisings gases during Collectivization by the Tukhachevskys.

So, having voted for mass repressions against yesterday’s “kulaks” and priests liberated by Stalin and Vyshinsky, members of the Central Committee were primarily worried about their future places in local and government bodies Authorities. Where they simply might not have been chosen after the adoption of the Constitution of 1936. Well, secondly, these started repressions against yesterday’s kulaks should have embittered the country’s population against Stalin. After all, by this time he had firmly taken the place of “National Leader” and everything that happened in the USSR was already firmly associated with his name. Also, this plenum, at which Stalin and his supporters did not have a majority and supporters of unleashing repressions against “the criminal element that could disrupt the upcoming Elections under the new Constitution” won, freed the hands of human meanness in eliminating competitors, both in the upcoming Elections and in everyday bureaucratic affairs life. And the wave of “exposing the enemies of the people who dream of destroying the Soviet Power” freed the hands of the average person, who enthusiastically began to destroy his own kind with the hands of his own kind. And in this matter, it is our “intelligentsia” that has been very successful, creative and not so creative. Well, then, ashamed of their meanness towards their own kind, this contingent screamed more than anyone else that “it was Stalin who forced us to write the same denunciations against each other.” Stalin and the Power are “to blame” for the fact that a specific scoundrel wrote a specific denunciation against a colleague, neighbor, or work colleague. And there are hundreds of thousands of examples of such meanness. And denunciation prevailed, primarily in this environment. Among educated and seemingly intelligent comrades. But what does Stalin have to do with it???

But “the whistleblowers do not calm down and do not feel defeated in the dispute (however, no “evidence” is simply needed or interesting for a true, true anti-Stalinist in principle), they give “lethal” examples of the “illegal” actions of Stalin and his “clique.” For example, Stalin and members of the Politburo signed “execution lists” from Yezhov in the mid-1930s. And during the War, Stalin “personally” signed the lists submitted to him for approval by Beria. Lists of generals at the beginning of the war, the same chief of staff of the Prib OVO, commander of the KOVO Air Force, etc. And Stalin sweepingly puts a resolution on this list: “Execute everyone named on the list. I.St.”

But this “List” is truly Wonderful. List of generals who met the German attack. But after reading the statements of the whistleblower condemning the “Tyrant” who wrote resolutions on the lists of generals presented to him, it turns out that, in the opinion of the “whistleblowers,” our generals could not have fulfilled (at a minimum) their official duties. Through their fault, in the first days of June 1941, almost all fighter aircraft of the border districts were destroyed at the airfields. Without fighter aircraft in the air, on the ground, people died from German planes in the air. Soldiers and officers were captured due to mediocrity, or even outright betrayal of the generals, but the Head of State could not have been given permission to shoot such heroes? There was such a funny trick from Trotsky, advice - to organize a defeat at the beginning of the war, and then, on a turbid wave, remove Stalin and seize power, as they did with the tsar in February 1917. And it seems that some of our generals were planning to do just that. And the actions of some of them speak of just such a scenario for the development of events, “according to Trotsky.”

Are you out of your mind, dear “whistleblowers”? After all, the head of the NKVB (MGB) only submits lists of those arrested to the Head of Government, for which investigative measures have already been completed. Submits for review and approval for the transfer of materials to the court, and not for immediate execution “by the evening.” The same KOVO aviation chief first admitted an anti-state conspiracy, but then abandoned it and went under the article “Negligence,” like their common accomplice Pavlov, commander of the ZapOVO. In conditions of War, such an article also provides for SHOOTING. And what does it mean that Stalin agreed with Beria’s proposal? Only that Stalin was the head of the Government and the Supreme Commander-in-Chief and for such crimes during the war they could have been spanked like the same Kirponos (most likely the general was spanked when he tried to surrender to the Germans) without trial or investigation. And they shot. But mostly the generals are soldiers. But even then, more often they were sent to a tribunal and to a fine, for THREE months. Even for murder. You are our humanists... But the generals were still put through the courts and some were kept until the early 50s - they thoroughly understood what they had done.

So what confuses the “whistleblowers”? In fact, all the generals of the 41st initially had Article 58, “Conspiracy and Treason.” But Stalin changed it (gave the command - be horrified!) to the article “negligence and failure to fulfill one’s job responsibilities" Someone went to the execution wall. And some got away with jail time. And the “whistleblowers” ​​probably want for the Death personnel no one was punished at all, or the general scolded the guilty person on conditional terms, but how do they do it today? Or should the Supreme Commander not participate in the proceedings and the MGB should personally shoot without his knowledge and sanction (permission)?

But the head of the department always reviewed the lists of those arrested and made decisions on their fate - he proposed the charges and punishment according to the article, or rather, at a minimum, he agreed with the proposed article of charge and the possible sentence. And then there was a trial, and the “human rights activists” themselves from the Memorial society note that the resolutions imposed by Stalin and his other “accomplices” were not always approved by the court. It turns out that under Stalin almost 20% of those convicted were acquitted. They were found innocent and these people were released. Some before the trial, and some after the conviction. What's the problem? Don't you personally like it? Is it more suitable for you when the NKVD and MGB themselves decide the fate of a person, and no one from his senior superiors can stand up for him? So, therefore, during the time of Yagoda and Yezhov, it was the anti-Stalinist opposition (which Stalin, according to the “whistleblowers,” of course, did not exist) that destroyed precisely those same engineers at defense factories. And that is why “lists” were introduced, according to which it was possible to defend the innocent if necessary and in case of arbitrariness of “Yagoda” as well. These “lists” were introduced precisely in order to moderate the ardor of “fighters against the enemies of the people” from local authorities and from the party. How much did Stalin personally curtail the appetites of the local “enthusiasts”?

But in response, the “whistleblower” talks about “lists” again. It gives a wonderful dose of “revelations”. He gives out and doesn’t understand a damn thing that it’s better not to bring such documents to accuse Stalin of “exceeding power, of despotism,” and of that time in general:

Well, my friend! Don't expose yourself to ridicule! Just recently you told me that I didn’t understand anything about the system of power at that time, that Stalin was just one of several secretaries of the Central Committee and nothing more, and now he is already the leadership of the country? You can’t change your mind so obviously and still hope that you are taken seriously! You decide for yourself what’s what, and don’t engage in... dialectics...”

Then the fighter against Stalinism cites a terrible letter from Meyerhold to Molotov from the dungeons of the NKVD. It is worth quoting it in full:

“...After reading your opinion about Meyerhold, I realized that you are scum. Is not emotional assessment, but purely rational, believe me.
There is no need to kiss citizens of your country anywhere (what kind of fantasy is this all of a sudden?). They must be treated as citizens of their country. Don't make arrests based on who knows what. Don't fabricate false accusations against them. Do not beat during interrogations.
I will give only 1 fragment from Meyerhold’s letter to Molotov, written by him a few weeks before the execution.

"They beat me here, a sick 65-year-old man: they put me face down on the floor, beat me on my heels and back with a rubber band; when I was sitting on a chair, they beat my legs with the same rubber (from above great strength), in places from the knees to the upper parts of the legs. And in the following days, when these places of the legs were filled with profuse internal hemorrhage, then these red-blue-yellow bruises were again beaten with this tourniquet, and the pain was such that it seemed that boiling water was being poured onto the sore sensitive places of the legs (I screamed and cried in pain). They hit me on the back with this rubber".

So Meyerhold became a Japanese spy and a member of a right-wing Trotskyist counter-revolutionary organization who carried out subversive work against the Soviet government (accusation formula). I understand that in your opinion, those investigators are great, and Meyerhold is a bastard. Well, I repeat again, you are scum.
If you think that the execution of the Japanese spy Meyerhold was an important milestone in the USSR’s preparation for war with Germany, well... I don’t know... And Leningrad was probably besieged by the Germans because they didn’t manage to arrest Kharms in time...”

Well, what are you going to do with such stubborn people? The comrades just can’t figure out the system of power in the USSR in those years, “under Stalin,” with its “Seven Boyars.” A true “whistleblower” cannot renounce the Dogma of the “Single and Omnipotent Power of the Tyrant.” But everything was quite simple. The “leadership” of the country did not consist of Stalin alone. Formally Head of Government, Chairman of the Council People's Commissars USSR (SNK USSR), Stalin only since May 41st. In 1917-1923, People's Commissar for Nationalities and People's Commissar of State Control (RabKrIna - RKI). He was a member of the ECCI of the USSR from 1925 to 1943 (Executive Committee of the ComIntern). Member of the All-Russian Central Executive Committee of the RSFSR until 1937 - the All-Russian Central Executive Committee (VTsIK), the highest legislative, administrative and supervisory body of state power of the RSFSR in 1917-1937, which was elected by the All-Russian Congress of Soviets and acted in the periods between congresses. The Chairman of the All-Russian Central Executive Committee from 1919 to 1938 was M.I. Kalinin. Stalin was also a member of the Presidium of the Central Executive Committee of the USSR - the Central Executive Committee of the USSR - the highest body of state power of the USSR in 1922-1938 between the All-Union Congresses of Soviets. The Chairman of the Central Election Commission was also M.I. Kalinin. Kalinin was a member of the party's Central Committee from 1919 and a member of the Politburo from 1926. The Central Election Commission was appointed by the Council of People's Commissars of the USSR, the Government of the USSR, and the Supreme Court of the USSR. But Stalin did not formally hold economic positions, he was only in the system of Legislative Power (today these functions are performed by The State Duma- Parliament of the Russian Federation), and not in leadership positions.

All the years of “repression”, Four secretaries of the Central Committee of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks and Ten members of the Politburo received those Lists. And this is the very “Manual” of the USSR. Leadership - because in parallel, all of them, except Stalin (cunning and insidious), in addition to posts in the Party Leadership, occupied all the key posts in the Government of the USSR. The same Molotov, a member of the Politburo, was the Head of the Government (Chairman of the Council of People's Commissars of the USSR), Kaganovich L.M., one of the secretaries of the Central Committee - People's Commissar of Communications, Zhdanov A.A. - Secretary of the Central Committee and at the same time from 1934, after the murders of Kirov (also a member of the Central Committee before that), first secretary of the Leningrad regional committee and city committee of the CPSU (b) until 1944, Malenkov G.M. - since 1927, technical secretary of the Politburo (clerk?), since 1939, secretary of the Central Committee and since 1946 member of the Politburo. (Further from Wikipedia: In 1938, at the January closed Plenum of the Central Committee of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks, Malenkov criticized the “Yezhovshchina.” In a plenary report on January 14, 1938, in particular, he said: “ A check of expulsions from the party and arrests carried out in Moscow found that the majority of those convicted were not guilty of anything at all" He managed to establish good relations with the new head of state security L. Beria, who was later considered his “friend” and patron. During the War years - a member of the Military Councils of a number of fronts, a member of the State Defense Committee (GKO). Also, the Commissioner of the Aviation Industry supervised the Aviation Industry, just as Beria supervised the People's Commissariat of Ammunition, Molotov supervised the tank industry...). Etc. Well, read Yuri Zhukov again, a real, professional historian and not a Stalinist.

As for the Meyerholds and the like, it is better for everyone to remain to their own opinion. Meyerhold's criminal case has not yet been published. It would seem - beat us with horror from the dungeons of the NKVD. But for some reason such Cases are never published. As for “letters from prisons”, we can advise you to read the “creepy” horror stories, “testimonies of witnesses and eyewitnesses” about “Khaibakh” posted on the “Kavkaz-Center”. People with weak nervous system I'm sure you'll especially like it. You can again fuck up Isaich’s “damned Stalinists” for making his subordinate-sergeant write “his brave letters from the front”, and bring a lot of “tales from the zone” from his “Immortal Work”. It’s also impressive, especially for exalted ladies of Balzac’s age.

But somehow all the characters, the creators of these horror stories, are almost always human scum, in their souls. And “This is not an emotional assessment, but a purely rational one, believe me...”. No matter who you look at from the Significant Whistleblowers, they are all some kind of petty scoundrels, at their core. Recently, the writer and front-line soldier Astafi was remembered on TV with a kind word, and a prize from Solzhenitsyn was given posthumously. Now... a patriot. In his right mind and strong memory, he lamented that Leningrad was not surrendered to Hitler - you see, fewer would have died in the city from the Famine of the blockade survivors.

And his defender published on the Internet: “...And Astafiev, who really suffered from both the fascists and the communists in last years in life I was indignant at the fact that various high-browed scoundrels came up with all sorts of beautiful philosophical justifications for the need to shed other people's blood..."

Yeah. The “scoundrels” came up with the idea of ​​defending the Motherland. And the Astafievs had to die for this stupidity. Horror... But I can calm you down. War does not make a person better than he was initially. He remains the same as his mom and dad and the “school with the Komsomol” made him. If a person was with a shitty person, then he will remain with a shitty person. And whoever was originally a Man will become even higher. So if Astafiev was not an intelligent person, but in fact - so-so, then he remained the same after the war. He suffered, you see. But our grandparents did not suffer... But they did not allow themselves or others to spoil the memory of the war, their Supreme Commander and his soldiers.

And finally, a few, and in more detail, kind words about the “GURU” of our Svanids and other “whistleblowers” ​​from the Internet, about Solzhenitsyn, whom even Molotov at one time remembered with a kind word in his conversations on a tape recorder, in F. Chuev’s book “140 Conversations with Molotov."

Reading the memoirs of our front-line officers, you are amazed at how some of them, serving in the rear units, in the flight and tank schools, having the opportunity not to go to the front, to sit out, they achieved their goal and still went to war, to defend their homeland. Some simply “deserted to the front”, others committed military offenses and, in accordance with the Law, for these “crimes” (sometimes in court) according to the laws of war, they were sent to the active army, i.e. to the front. For Svanidz supporters, I’ll explain - not to the penal battalions, but on my own military specialty. And there were different variants"deviators" from the front. For example, everyone (and especially the officers) knew that the front triangles were being reviewed by military censorship and counterintelligence (after all, Stalin’s tyranny was in the yard!). So some “officers” quite consciously wrote in their “letters to a friend” on another front everything they thought about the “Stalinist regime.” Law is law. The military counterintelligence of any warring country is simply obliged to check and interrogate such a “rebel.” But in any case, this trial allowed the “victim of the tyranny of the NKVD” to avoid war. As they say, it’s better to be in prison than in war. That is, some committed a “crime” in order to get to war (and possibly die for their Motherland), while others committed a crime in order to escape from the front. You're shooting yourself in the foot, you've got a lot of guts, and you could end up in a penal battalion if the doctors and special officers split you up, or even shoot you on the spot. But “brave” speeches in the letter will definitely require counterintelligence investigation. And if the interrogated person assures that he is “an opponent of the existing regime,” then he will no longer be sent to a penal battalion, but to a colony in the rear. After all, they weren’t sent to a penal battalion with such an article (according to the Law)! Who knows, this idiot, maybe tomorrow he will run over to the Germans with a bunch of documents, or take a “tongue” with him, or commit some kind of sabotage? And at the end of the War I wanted to “get away” from the front line even more. At the end of the War, you want to die for the “hated regime” even less. Let the less valuable specimens for Humanity “for Stalin” die.

But you can’t be a little “pregnant.” Having committed great meanness once in your life, then throughout your life you will only increase and perpetuate this meanness.

In those days when the entire world community mourned the untimely death of the Greatest Writer of Russia of the 20th century, our modern Tolstoy, Dostoevsky, and what is there to trifle, our Everything, one of the TV channels showed a film by S. Govorukhin, filmed by him in the USA in the early 90s, in the house of the Great Prophet and Guru of all free “Rasiyans”. (Govorukhin, this is the director who directed the film “The Meeting Place Cannot Be Changed,” about the everyday life of the Moscow criminal investigation department during the “terrible Stalin times" True, in the film itself, shot back under Brezhnev, in 1980, there are no passions about the “Gulags,” but Govorukhin himself never seemed to worry about the fact that he was not allowed to show those “passions” in this film.)

At some point, the television camera was put aside, but continued to film with a regular, amateur one. At this moment, Isaich began to show his criminal case, which was given to him by the KGB as unnecessary, in the early 90s. He began to show his letters from the front to his “friend.” About these “letters” that an officer wrote at the front and in which he talked nonsense about his dissatisfaction Soviet power and other nonsense that counterintelligence did not give in to for a long time (you never know what idiots write in their letters - maybe a person has a shell shock from birth?), there are already many different articles. They already commented that the cunning Isaich, knowing that his letters were necessarily checked by censorship (after all, there is War and all letters are checked), wanted either to “play like a moron” and get a transfer somewhere to the rear, out of harm’s way, otherwise he agreed to go to the Camp at the end of the War. After all, for the same espionage they were not even sent to a penal battalion, and many deserters and encirclements, at the beginning of the War, tried to declare that they were recruited by the Germans, just so as not to go to the front again and survive. These “agents” were still checked, and then they were still sent to the front to defend their homeland. Some to penal battalions and penal companies, and some to regular units.

So, Isaich (“not on camera”) began to show his bold letters from the front to a friend (who did not ask him to do this). With the genuine joy of a child who had deceived the terrible KGB men, Isaich began to tell what fools were in the USSR counterintelligence: they conducted a handwriting examination, in which they concluded that all the pages of the “brave letters” of the future “Light of Russian Literature” were written by one person. And Isaich began laying out these pieces of paper in front of the film crew, showing that they were all written by someone else’s hand other than his. And he laughed so fervently at the same time, saying that if the KGB officers were not fools, they would “notice” these different handwritings and would be able to imprison another person. The cameramen of Govorukhin’s film crew admitted in surprise that the handwriting on the pieces of paper was really different, and Guru immediately explained that the most “ dangerous places“He forced his subordinate, sergeant, to write. And he talks about it with such joy... But the security officers, they say, are fools, could not notice the different handwritings and put that sergeant in jail too!!! Well, aren't you an asshole?!? Someone from the film crew asked with emotion, so it turns out that you saved that sergeant from the Gulag?!? Of course, the Guru replied, he saved me! True, Govorukhin himself chose to remain silent in this scene, but he left the fact in the history of “The Conscience of the Russian Nation” by inserting this piece into his film.

This is how humane and wise people were in the Soviet counterintelligence. Not only did they turn a blind eye to the holy fool for a long time (after all, there were few sound intelligence specialists on this front, mathematicians by training, and they were taken care of - Isaich himself said that there were only two of them for the entire front), but they also did not help to drag a simple sergeant into a bad investigation. Surely that sergeant was interrogated, and not only him in that unit (a common practice even today in the army: if there was just a “hazing” in a soldier’s toilet, the entire unit is shaken), and this sergeant probably reported during the interrogation that his senior superior, captain Solzhenitsyn A.I. “asked” him to write some of the letters in his own hand. In order not to attract a front-line soldier, not to spoil his life after the War, the “Smershevites” did a handwriting examination, in which they indicated that the “letters to a friend” were written by one person, A.I. Solzhenitsyn, captain of the Red Army. But all his life Isaich was proud that thanks to him and the “stupidity” of those security officers, that sergeant was not “put in jail.”

This is how the future began his ascent to world fame Nobel laureate in the field of literature. Particularly famous for its “immortal work,” “The Gulag Archipelago.” But since he was a scumbag in life, he forced his subordinate sergeant to write “his bold letters from the front,” and then quite naturally he became a camp informer. Other “dissidents” did not agree to be informers and the camp administration did not really force them - there will always be Isaichs. One dissident writer on the “Culture” channel, who was also offered to become an informer, answered the question of a naive, enthusiastic girl: “Were you offered to become an informer?!?”, saying that when he refused, they simply left him alone. And now our “anti-Stalinists” are praying for Isaac and the like with their petty meanness (sorry, with the TRUTH!!!).

So, you have a bad situation with IDOLS, dear “Whistleblowers”. They are all kind of shitty, your “idols”...

Well, returning to the System of State Power under Stalin and his place in it: apparently the “whistleblowers” ​​still need to read the historian Yu. Zhukov again at their leisure. Otherwise, it seems that our Stalin haters have never figured out that kitchen. They haven’t figured out (and they don’t really want to, in general) what place Stalin occupied in that System of Power in Russia-USSR, what responsibility he bears for those mass repressions. Who actually organized them and why.

Composition of the Party Leaders of the RCP(b), All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks, CPSU from 1917 to 1991:

Supervisor

After the death of Yu.V. Andropov, Chernenko, Konstantin Ustinovich, was elected General Secretary of the CPSU Central Committee. After the death of K.W. Chernenko, Mikhail Sergeevich Gorbachev was elected General Secretary of the CPSU Central Committee, who became the last General Secretary of the CPSU Central Committee.

The communists will celebrate the 130th anniversary of the birth of Joseph Stalin by presenting commemorative medals to veterans, laying flowers, a gala concert and hope that on this day no one will remember the mistakes of the Stalin era, the first deputy chairman of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation, vice-speaker of the State Duma, told RIA Novosti Ivan Melnikov.

Joseph Vissarionovich Stalin (real name Dzhugashvili) was born on December 21 (9), 1879 (according to other sources, December 18 (6), 1878), in the Georgian city of Gori in the family of a shoemaker.

After graduating from the Gori Theological School in 1894, Joseph studied at the Tiflis Theological Seminary, from where he was expelled for revolutionary activities in 1899. A year before, he joined the Georgian social democratic organization Mesame Dasi, and in 1901 he became a revolutionary. At the same time, Dzhugashvili received the party nickname “Stalin” (for his inner circle he had another nickname - “Koba”).

From 1902 to 1913, Stalin was arrested and expelled six times, and escaped four times.

When in 1903 (at the Second Congress of the RSDLP) the party split into Bolsheviks and Mensheviks, Stalin supported the Bolshevik leader Lenin and, on his instructions, began creating a network of underground Marxist circles in the Caucasus.

In 1906-1907, Joseph Stalin participated in organizing a number of expropriations in Transcaucasia. In 1907, he was one of the leaders of the Baku Committee of the RSDLP.

In 1912 he became a member of the Russian Bureau of the Central Committee of the RSDLP. From March 1917, he participated in the preparation and conduct of the October Revolution: he was a member of the Politburo of the Central Committee of the RSDLP(b), and was a member of the Military Revolutionary Center for the leadership of the armed uprising. In 1917-1922 he was People's Commissar for Nationalities Affairs.

During the Civil War, he carried out important assignments of the Central Committee of the RCP (b) and the Soviet government; was a member of the Council of Workers' and Peasants' Defense from the All-Russian Central Executive Committee, was a member of the Revolutionary Military Council of the Republic, a member of the Revolutionary Military Council of the Southern, Western and Southwestern Fronts.

When on April 3, 1922, at the Plenum of the Central Committee of the RCP (b), a new position was established - General Secretary of the Central Committee. Stalin was elected as the first General Secretary.

In the party structure, this position was of a purely technical nature. But its hidden strength lay in the fact that it was the General Secretary who appointed the lower party leaders, thanks to which Stalin formed a personally loyal majority among the middle ranks of party members. Stalin remained in this position until the end of his life (from 1922 - General Secretary of the Central Committee of the RCP (b), from December 1925 - CPSU (b), from 1934 - Secretary of the Central Committee of the CPSU (b), from 1952 - CPSU).

After Lenin's death, Stalin declared himself the sole successor of Lenin's work and his teachings. Stalin proclaimed a course towards “building socialism in one, separate country.” He carried out accelerated industrialization of the country and forced collectivization of peasant farms. In his foreign policy activities he adhered to the class line of fighting the “capitalist encirclement” and supporting the international communist and labor movement.

By the mid-1930s, Stalin concentrated all state power in his hands and actually became the sole leader of the Soviet people. Old party leaders - Trotsky, Zinoviev, Kamenev, Bukharin, Rykov and others, who were part of the anti-Stalinist opposition, were gradually expelled from the party, and then physically destroyed as “enemies of the people.” In the second half of the 1930s, a regime of severe terror was established in the country, which reached its climax in 1937-1938. The search and destruction of “enemies of the people” affected not only the highest party bodies and the army, but also broad layers of Soviet society. Millions of Soviet citizens were illegally repressed on far-fetched, unsubstantiated charges of espionage, sabotage, and sabotage; exiled to camps or executed in the basements of the NKVD.

With the outbreak of the Great Patriotic War, Stalin concentrated all political and military power in his hands as Chairman of the State Defense Committee (June 30, 1941 - September 4, 1945) and Supreme Commander-in-Chief of the USSR Armed Forces. At the same time, he took the post of People's Commissar of Defense of the USSR (July 19, 1941 - March 15, 1946; from February 25, 1946 - People's Commissar of the Armed Forces of the USSR) and was directly involved in drawing up plans for military operations.

During the war, Joseph Stalin, together with US President Roosevelt and British Prime Minister Churchill, initiated the creation of an anti-Hitler coalition. He represented the USSR in negotiations with countries participating in the anti-Hitler coalition (Tehran, 1943; Yalta, 1945; Potsdam, 1945).

After the end of the war, during which the Soviet army liberated most of the countries of Eastern and Central Europe, Stalin became an ideologist and practitioner of the creation of a “world socialist system,” which was one of the main factors in the emergence of the Cold War and the military-political confrontation between the USSR and the USA .

On March 19, 1946, during the restructuring of the Soviet government apparatus, Stalin was confirmed as Chairman of the Council of Ministers of the USSR and Minister of the Armed Forces of the USSR.

After the war, he was involved in the restoration of the country's national economy, destroyed by the war, paying attention to increasing the defense capability of the Soviet Union and the technical re-equipment of the army and navy. He was one of the main initiators of the Soviet “atomic project”, which contributed to the transformation of the USSR into one of the two “superpowers”.

(Military Encyclopedia. Chairman of the Main Editorial Commission S.B. Ivanov. Military Publishing House. Moscow. in 8 volumes, 2004. ISBN 5 203 01875 - 8)

Joseph Stalin died on March 5, 1953 (according to the official version, from a massive cerebral hemorrhage). The sarcophagus with his body was installed in the Mausoleum next to Lenin's sarcophagus.

Historians call the dates of Stalin's reign from 1929 to 1953. Joseph Stalin (Dzhugashvili) was born on December 21, 1879. He is the founder. Many contemporaries of the Soviet era associate the years of Stalin’s reign not only with the victory over Nazi Germany and the increasing level of industrialization of the USSR, but also with numerous repressions of the civilian population.

During Stalin's reign, about 3 million people were imprisoned and sentenced to death. death penalty. And if we add to them those sent into exile, dispossessed and deported, then the victims among the civilian population in the Stalin era can be counted at about 20 million people. Now many historians and psychologists are inclined to believe that Stalin’s character was greatly influenced by the situation within the family and his upbringing in childhood.

The emergence of Stalin's tough character

It is known from reliable sources that Stalin’s childhood was not the happiest and most cloudless. The leader's parents often argued in front of their son. The father drank a lot and allowed himself to beat his mother in front of little Joseph. The mother, in turn, took out her anger on her son, beat and humiliated him. The unfavorable atmosphere in the family greatly affected Stalin's psyche. Even as a child, Stalin understood a simple truth: whoever is stronger is right. This principle became the future leader’s motto in life. He was also guided by him in governing the country. He was always strict with his.

In 1902, Joseph Vissarionovich organized a demonstration in Batumi, this step was his first in political career. A little later, Stalin became the Bolshevik leader, and his circle of best friends includes Vladimir Ilyich Lenin (Ulyanov). Stalin completely shares revolutionary ideas Lenin.

In 1913, Joseph Vissarionovich Dzhugashvili first used his pseudonym - Stalin. From that time on, he became known by this last name. Few people know that before the surname Stalin, Joseph Vissarionovich tried on about 30 pseudonyms that never caught on.

Stalin's reign

The period of Stalin's reign begins in 1929. Almost the entire reign of Joseph Stalin was accompanied by collectivization, mass death of civilians and famine. In 1932, Stalin adopted the “three ears of corn” law. According to this law, a starving peasant who stole ears of wheat from the state was immediately subject to capital punishment - execution. All saved bread in the state was sent abroad. This was the first stage of industrialization of the Soviet state: the purchase modern technology foreign production.

During the reign of Joseph Vissarionovich Stalin, massive repressions of the peaceful population of the USSR were carried out. The repressions began in 1936, when the post of People's Commissar of Internal Affairs of the USSR was taken by N.I. Yezhov. In 1938, on the orders of Stalin, his close friend Bukharin was shot. During this period, many residents of the USSR were exiled to the Gulag or shot. Despite all the cruelty of the measures taken, Stalin's policy was aimed at raising the state and its development.

Pros and cons of Stalin's rule

Minuses:

• strict board policy:
• the almost complete destruction of senior army ranks, intellectuals and scientists (who thought differently from the USSR government);
• repression of wealthy peasants and the religious population;
• the widening “gap” between the elite and the working class;
• oppression of the civilian population: payment for labor in food instead of monetary remuneration, working day up to 14 hours;
• propaganda of anti-Semitism;
• about 7 million starvation deaths during the period of collectivization;
• the flourishing of slavery;
• selective development of sectors of the economy of the Soviet state.

Pros:

• creation of a protective nuclear shield in the post-war period;
• increasing the number of schools;
• creation of children's clubs, sections and circles;
• space exploration;
• reduction in prices for consumer goods;
• low prices for utilities;
• development of industry of the Soviet state on the world stage.

During the Stalin era it was formed social system USSR, social, political and economic institutions appeared. Joseph Vissarionovich completely abandoned the NEP policy and, at the expense of the village, carried out the modernization of the Soviet state. Thanks to the strategic qualities of the Soviet leader, the USSR won the Second World War. The Soviet state began to be called a superpower. The USSR joined the UN Security Council. The era of Stalin's rule ended in 1953, when. He was replaced as Chairman of the USSR Government by N. Khrushchev.

We stand for peace and champion the cause of peace.
/AND. Stalin/

Stalin (real name - Dzhugashvili) Joseph Vissarionovich, one of the leading figures of the Communist Party, Soviet state, international communist and labor movement, prominent theorist and propagandist of Marxism-Leninism. Born into the family of a handicraft shoemaker. In 1894 he graduated from Gori religious school and entered Tbilisi Orthodox seminary. Under the influence of Russian Marxists who lived in Transcaucasia, he joined the revolutionary movement; in an illegal circle he studied the works of K. Marx, F. Engels, V. I. Lenin, G. V. Plekhanov. Since 1898 member of the CPSU. Being in a social democratic group "Mesame-dasi", carried out propaganda of Marxist ideas among the workers of the Tbilisi railway workshops. In 1899 he was expelled from the seminary for revolutionary activities, went underground, and became a professional revolutionary. He was a member of the Tbilisi, Caucasian Union and Baku Committees of the RSDLP, participated in the publication of newspapers “Brdzola” (“Struggle”), “Proletariatis Brdzola” (“Struggle of the Proletariat”), “Baku Proletarian”, “Buzzer”, “Baku Worker”, was an active participant in the Revolution of 1905-07. in Transcaucasia. Since the creation of the RSDLP, he supported Lenin’s ideas of strengthening the revolutionary Marxist party, defended the Bolshevik strategy and tactics of the class struggle of the proletariat, was a staunch supporter of Bolshevism, and exposed the opportunist line of the Mensheviks and anarchists in the revolution. Delegate to the 1st conference of the RSDLP in Tammerfors (1905), 4th (1906) and 5th (1907) congresses of the RSDLP.

During the period of underground revolutionary activity, he was repeatedly arrested and exiled. In January 1912, at a meeting of the Central Committee, elected by the 6th (Prague) All-Russian Conference of the RSDLP, he was co-opted in absentia into the Central Committee and introduced into Russian Bureau of the Central Committee. In 1912-13, working in St. Petersburg, he actively collaborated in newspapers "Star" And "Is it true". Participant Krakow (1912) meeting of the Central Committee of the RSDLP with party workers. At this time Stalin wrote a work "Marxism and the National Question", in which he highlighted Lenin’s principles for solving the national question, and criticized the opportunist program of “cultural-national autonomy.” The work received a positive assessment from V.I. Lenin (see Complete collection of works, 5th ed., vol. 24, p. 223). In February 1913, Stalin was again arrested and exiled to the Turukhansk region.

After the overthrow of the autocracy, Stalin returned to Petrograd on March 12 (25), 1917, was included in the Bureau of the Central Committee of the RSDLP (b) and in the editorial office of Pravda, and took an active part in developing the work of the party in new conditions. Stalin supported Lenin's course of developing the bourgeois-democratic revolution into a socialist one. On 7th (April) All-Russian Conference of the RSDLP (b) elected member of the Central Committee(from that time on he was elected as a member of the party’s Central Committee at all congresses up to and including the 19th). At the 6th Congress of the RSDLP (b), on behalf of the Central Committee, he delivered a political report to the Central Committee and a report on the political situation.

As a member of the Central Committee, Stalin actively participated in the preparation and conduct of the Great October Socialist Revolution: he was a member of the Political Bureau of the Central Committee, the Military Revolutionary Center - the party body for leading the armed uprising, and in the Petrograd Military Revolutionary Committee. At the 2nd All-Russian Congress of Soviets on October 26 (November 8), 1917, he was elected to the first Soviet government as People's Commissar for National Affairs(1917-22); at the same time in 1919-22 he headed People's Commissariat of State Control, reorganized in 1920 into the People's Commissariat Workers' and Peasants' Inspectorate(RCT).

During the Civil War and foreign military intervention 1918-20 Stalin carried out a number of important assignments of the Central Committee of the RCP (b) and the Soviet government: he was a member of the Revolutionary Military Council of the Republic, one of the organizers defense of Petrograd, member of the Revolutionary Military Council of the Southern, Western, Southwestern Fronts, representative of the All-Russian Central Executive Committee in the Council of Workers' and Peasants' Defense. Stalin proved himself to be a major military-political worker of the party. By resolution of the All-Russian Central Executive Committee of November 27, 1919 awarded the order Red Banner.

After the end of the Civil War, Stalin actively participated in the party’s struggle to restore the national economy, to implement the New Economic Policy (NEP), and to strengthen the alliance of the working class with the peasantry. During the discussion about trade unions imposed on the party Trotsky, defended Lenin's platform on the role of trade unions in socialist construction. On 10th Congress of the RCP (b)(1921) gave a presentation “The party’s immediate tasks in the national question”. In April 1922, at the Plenum of the Central Committee, Stalin was elected General Secretary of the Central Committee Party and held this post for over 30 years, but since 1934 he was formally Secretary of the Central Committee.

As one of the leading figures in the field of nation-state building, Stalin took part in the creation of the USSR. However, initially in solving this new and difficult task made a mistake by putting forward "autonomization" project(entry of all republics into the RSFSR with autonomy rights). Lenin criticized this project and substantiated the plan to create a single union state in the form of a voluntary union of equal republics. Taking into account the criticism, Stalin fully supported Lenin’s idea and, on behalf of the Central Committee of the RCP (b), spoke at 1st All-Union Congress of Soviets(December 1922) with a report on the formation of the USSR.

On 12th Party Congress(1923) Stalin made an organizational report on the work of the Central Committee and a report “National moments in party and state building”.

V.I. Lenin, who knew the party cadres excellently, had a huge influence on their education, sought the placement of cadres in the interests of the overall party cause, taking into account their individual qualities. IN "Letter to the Congress" Lenin gave characterizations to a number of members of the Central Committee, including Stalin. Considering Stalin one of the outstanding figures of the party, Lenin at the same time wrote on December 25, 1922: “Comrade. Stalin, having become Secretary General, concentrated immense power in his hands, and I am not sure whether he will always be able to use this power carefully enough” (ibid., vol. 45, p. 345). In addition to his letter, Lenin wrote on January 4, 1923:

“Stalin is too rude, and this shortcoming, quite tolerable in the environment and in communications between us communists, becomes intolerable in the position of Secretary General. Therefore, I suggest that the comrades consider a way to move Stalin from this place and appoint another person to this place, who in all other respects differs from Comrade. Stalin has only one advantage, namely, more tolerant, more loyal, more polite and more attentive to his comrades, less capriciousness, etc.” (ibid., p. 346).

By decision of the Central Committee of the RCP (b), all delegations were familiarized with Lenin’s letter 13th Congress of the RCP (b), held in May 1924. Considering the difficult situation in the country and the severity of the struggle against Trotskyism, it was considered advisable to leave Stalin as General Secretary of the Central Committee so that he would take into account criticism from Lenin and draw the necessary conclusions from it.

After Lenin's death, Stalin actively participated in the development and implementation of the policies of the CPSU, plans for economic and cultural construction, measures to strengthen the country's defense capability and the foreign policy of the party and the Soviet state. Together with other leading figures of the party, Stalin waged an irreconcilable struggle against the opponents of Leninism, played an outstanding role in the ideological and political defeat of Trotskyism and right-wing opportunism, in defending Lenin’s teaching on the possibility of the victory of socialism in the USSR, and in strengthening the unity of the party. The works of Stalin were important in the propaganda of Lenin’s ideological heritage "On the Foundations of Leninism" (1924), "Trotskyism or Leninism?" (1924), "On questions of Leninism" (1926), “Once again about the social-democratic deviation in our party” (1926), “On the right deviation in the CPSU (b)” (1929), “On issues of agricultural policy in the USSR”(1929), etc.

Under the leadership of the Communist Party, the Soviet people implemented Lenin’s plan for building socialism and carried out revolutionary transformations of gigantic complexity and world-historical significance. Stalin, together with other leading figures of the party and the Soviet state, made a personal contribution to the solution of these problems. The key task in building socialism was the socialist industrialization, which ensured the economic independence of the country, the technical reconstruction of all sectors of the national economy, and the defense capability of the Soviet state. The most complex and difficult task of the revolutionary changes was the reconstruction Agriculture on socialist principles. When conducting collectivization of agriculture mistakes and excesses were made. Stalin also bears responsibility for these mistakes. However, thanks to decisive measures taken by the party with the participation of Stalin, the mistakes were corrected. Of great importance for the victory of socialism in the USSR was the implementation cultural revolution.

In the conditions of impending military danger and in the years Great Patriotic War 1941-45 Stalin took a leading part in the multilateral activities of the party to strengthen the defense of the USSR and organize the defeat fascist Germany and militaristic Japan. At the same time, on the eve of the war, Stalin made a certain miscalculation in assessing the timing of a possible attack by Nazi Germany on the USSR. On May 6, 1941 he was appointed Chairman of the Council of People's Commissars of the USSR(from 1946 - Chairman of the Council of Ministers of the USSR), June 30, 1941 - Chairman of the State Defense Committee ( GKO), July 19 - People's Commissar of Defense of the USSR, August 8 - Supreme Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces of the USSR.

As head of the Soviet state, he took part in Tehran (1943), Crimean(1945) and Potsdam (1945) conferences leaders of three powers - the USSR, the USA and Great Britain. IN post-war period Stalin continued to work as General Secretary of the Party Central Committee and Chairman of the Council of Ministers of the USSR. During these years, the party and the Soviet government carried out a tremendous amount of work to mobilize the Soviet people to fight for recovery And further development National economy, carried out a foreign policy aimed at strengthening the international position of the USSR and the world socialist system, at uniting and developing the international labor and communist movement, at supporting the liberation struggle of the peoples of colonial and dependent countries, at ensuring the peace and security of peoples throughout the world.

In Stalin's activities, along with positive aspects, there were theoretical and political errors, and some traits of his character had a negative impact. If in the first years of work without Lenin he took into account critical remarks addressed to him, then later he began to retreat from the Leninist principles of collective leadership and the norms of party life, and to overestimate his own merits in the successes of the party and the people. Gradually formed Stalin's personality cult, which entailed gross violations of socialist legality and caused serious harm to the activities of the party and the cause of communist construction.

20th Congress of the CPSU(1956) condemned the cult of personality as a phenomenon alien to the spirit of Marxism-Leninism, the nature of socialist social order. In the resolution of the CPSU Central Committee of June 30, 1956 “On overcoming the cult of personality and its consequences” the party gave an objective, comprehensive assessment of Stalin’s activities and a detailed criticism of the cult of personality. The cult of personality did not and could not change the socialist essence of the Soviet system, the Marxist-Leninist character of the CPSU and its Leninist course, and did not stop the natural course of development of Soviet society. The party developed and implemented a system of measures that ensured the restoration and further development of Leninist norms of party life and the principles of party leadership.

Stalin was a member of the Politburo of the Central Committee of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks in 1919-52, the Presidium of the Central Committee of the CPSU in 1952-53, a member of the Executive Committee of the Comintern in 1925-43, a member of the All-Russian Central Executive Committee from 1917, the Central Executive Committee of the USSR from 1922, a deputy of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR of the 1st-3rd convocations . He was awarded the titles of Hero of Socialist Labor (1939), Hero of the Soviet Union (1945), Marshal of the Soviet Union (1943), highest military rank- Generalissimo of the Soviet Union (1945). He was awarded 3 Orders of Lenin, 2 Orders of Victory, 3 Orders of the Red Banner, Order of Suvorov 1st degree, as well as medals. After his death in March 1953, he was buried in the Lenin-Stalin Mausoleum. In 1961, by decision of the XXII Congress of the CPSU, he was reburied on Red Square.

Soch.: Soch., vol. 1-13, M., 1949-51; Questions of Leninism, and ed., M., 1952: On the Great Patriotic War of the Soviet Union, 5th ed., M., 1950; Marxism and questions of linguistics, [M.], 1950; Economic problems of socialism in the USSR, M., 1952. Lit.: XX Congress of the CPSU. Verbatim report, vol. 1-2, M., 1956; Resolution of the CPSU Central Committee “On overcoming the cult of personality and its consequences.” June 30, 1956, in the book: CPSU in resolutions and decisions of congresses. Conferences and plenums of the Central Committee, 8th ed., vol. 7, M., 1971; History of the CPSU, vol. 1-5, M., 1964-70: History of the CPSU, 4th ed., M., 1975.

Events during Stalin's reign:

• 1925 - adoption of a course towards industrialization at the XIV Congress of the All-Union Communist Party (Bolsheviks).
• 1928 - the first five-year plan.
• 1930 - the beginning of collectivization
• 1936 - adoption of the new constitution of the USSR.
• 1939 –1940 - Soviet-Finnish war
• 1941 –1945 - The Great Patriotic War
• 1949 - creation of the Council for Mutual Economic Assistance (CMEA).
• 1949 - successful test of the first Soviet atomic bomb, which was created by I.V. Kurchatov under the leadership of L.P. Beria.
• 1952 - renaming the All-Union Communist Party (Bolsheviks) into the CPSU