Pavel Milyukov. Stupidity or treason? It is impossible to retain power if the people lose faith in power. When, with increasing insistence, the thought

In 2015, 24,982 Russians decided to voluntarily die by committing suicide. The reasons range from dismissal to betrayal. However, they are only what lies on the surface, the reason that pushed a person to take a fatal step. The reason is deeper: 99% of suicides are people who have lost hope and confidence. How not to lose faith in yourself, not to let circumstances break your inner core if everything around you is collapsing?

Why do people lose faith in themselves?

Faith is confidence in the invisible. A person’s self-confidence is built over years, starting from early childhood. Alexey Nemov, the author of a popular psychology textbook, notes that a person’s confidence is formed by social institutions:

• family;
• preschool institutions;
• educational institutions;
• place of work.

The environment has a huge influence - it is much easier to believe if you are confident that you will be supported and helped, and will not be tripped up when you do not expect it.

Many insecure people carry this insecurity from childhood. “You’re no good for anything,” the father says to his son. “You need to lose weight at all costs, otherwise guys won’t like you!” - mother teaches her daughter. And they have no idea that in 45% of cases, the complexes and insecurities inherent in childhood will remain with a person throughout his life!

Everyone can name many such examples from their personal life. Hence the rule that you need to follow when applying to yourself and raising children this way:

If you fail, you need to learn a lesson from it, finding positive aspects, creating a situation of success.

This simple rule will help you maintain confidence and consistently move towards achieving your goal with a positive attitude. However, it should be remembered that self-confidence and self-confidence are two different things. Faith helps you achieve goals that you can achieve, while self-confidence pushes you to take reckless actions that are doomed to failure.

How not to lose faith in yourself?

Think about what could “unsettle” you and make you give up? Sociologists have compiled a sad top 10 events that affected the self-esteem of those who fell into the grip of depression:

1. Death of a loved one.
2. Betrayal of a marriage partner, family breakdown.
3. Disappointment in a loved one.
4. Absence of a couple for a long time.
5. Job loss.
6. Business failure.
7. The collapse of hope for something.
8. Inability to meet someone's requirements.
9. Serious illness.
10. Ridicule from others.

These events “break” our compatriots, causing them to lose faith in themselves. Alas, no one is safe from them. Moreover, millions of people around the world encounter them every day, but they are not fatal for everyone. How to keep from losing faith in yourself?

Again, psychologists come to the rescue: they suggest following simple rules that were formulated after analyzing situations in which people managed not only to maintain a positive attitude, but also to emerge victorious, no matter what!

Did you know?

• Napoleon was short and his family had money problems. Because of this, he was constantly subjected to ridicule from his friends.
• Albert Einstein was considered by teachers to be mentally retarded, which greatly affected his certificate - he was a poor student.
• The world-famous Sony Corporation started out with rice cookers. The model turned out to be unsuccessful, and the rice there constantly burned, and therefore its founder suffered huge losses.
• Bill Gates was expelled from Harvard.
• One of the classics of English-language literature, Jack London, tried to publish his first book... 600 times! And I kept getting rejected.

This list can be continued endlessly. Hence the conclusion: failure is not a reason to give up, because working on mistakes can change people, bringing outsiders into leaders. Even if it’s very difficult, rest assured: what doesn’t kill you makes you stronger and more self-confident!

What to do to maintain self-confidence, no matter what

• Remember that nothing lasts forever

According to legend, King Solomon, famous for his wisdom, had the text engraved on his ring: “Everything passes.” When it’s absolutely hard, and it seems that you and your personality are worth nothing - remember that downturns give way to ups!

• Don't let the world put you down

Do you know why there are so many people today who are successful but not happy? Because they are not achieving what they need! The media makes a person not a person, but a consumer. And in the pursuit of benefits, we begin to lose faith in ourselves.

“I can’t buy the latest iPhone,” you say sadly, feeling like a failure. Your neighbor Tatyana, having a treasured iPhone, is sad that there is not enough money for an apartment... And everyone forgets that the basic law of economics says: “Material human needs are insatiable.” Therefore, do not tie self-esteem to income level! Don't forget that many great people did not have wealth: Socrates, Diogenes, Eminem, Yesenin and many others. Therefore, wealth cannot in any way be an indicator of value for society!

• Surround yourself with like-minded people

You should not listen too much to the opinions of those who do not share your ideals - this will certainly lead to conflict with yourself and have a negative impact on self-esteem.

• Set your priorities right

It is impossible to achieve everything at once. Therefore, from time to time you need to stop and think: “What do I want to achieve? What can I sacrifice for this?”

• Don't ignore "working on mistakes"

If everything has already happened, it’s too late to do anything. But it’s never too late to realize your mistakes in order to avoid them in the future.

These tips are exactly what you need to do if you have lost faith in yourself.

Milyukov Pavel Nikolaevich

Speech by P. N. Milyukov at a meeting of the State Duma

SPEECH BY P. N. MILYUKOV AT THE MEETING OF THE STATE DUMA

After a significant break in work, the Duma nevertheless met on November 1, 1916. By this time, such a political climate had developed in the country that even right-wing deputies began to criticize the “mediocre ministers” in their sensational speech at the autumn session of 1916 in the Duma, the text of which distributed throughout the country in lists, P.N. Miliukov showed the evidence that the government's policy was dictated "either by stupidity or treason."

“Gentlemen, members of the State Duma. It is with a heavy feeling that I enter this podium today. Do you remember the circumstances under which the Duma met more than a year ago, on July 10, 1915. The Duma was impressed by our military failures. It found the cause of these failures in shortcomings military supplies and indicated the reason for the lack of behavior in the behavior of Minister of War Sukhomlinov.

You remember that the country at that moment, under the impression of the formidable danger that had become obvious to everyone, demanded the unification of popular forces and the creation of a ministry of people in whom the country could trust. And you remember that then from this pulpit even Minister Goremykin admitted “that the course of the war requires a huge, extraordinary upsurge of spirit and strength.” You remember that the authorities then made concessions. The ministers hated by society were then removed before the convening of the Duma. Sukhomlinov, whom the country considered a traitor, was removed (voice on the left: “He is”). And in response to the demands of the people's representatives at the meeting on July 28, Polivanov announced to us, with general applause, as you remember, that an investigative commission had been created and the beginning had been made of putting the former Minister of War on trial.

And, gentlemen, the social upsurge was not in vain: our army received what it needed, and the country entered the second year of the war with the same upsurge as in the first. What a difference, gentlemen, now, in the 27th month of the war, a difference that I especially notice, having spent several months of this time abroad. We are now facing new difficulties, and these difficulties are no less complex and serious, no less profound, than those we faced last spring. The government needed heroic means to combat the general breakdown of the national economy. We ourselves are the same as before. We are the same in the 27th month of the war as we were in the 10th and as we were in the first. We remain committed to total victory, we remain willing to make the necessary sacrifices, and we still want to maintain national unity. But I will say openly: there is a difference in position.

We have lost faith that this power can lead us to victory... (voices: “That’s right”), because in relation to this power, both the attempts at correction and the attempts at improvement that we made here did not turn out to be successful. All allied states called into the ranks of power the best people from all parties. They gathered around the heads of their governments all the trust, all the elements of organization that were evident in their countries, which were more organized than ours. What did our government do? Our declaration said this. Since the time when the majority in the Fourth State Duma emerged, which it previously lacked, a majority ready to give confidence to a cabinet worthy of this trust, from that very time on, almost all members of the cabinet who could in any way count on trust, all of them one after another systematically had to leave the office. And if we said that our government has neither the knowledge nor the talents necessary for the present moment, then, gentlemen, now this government has fallen below the level at which it stood in the normal time of our Russian life (voices from the left: “That’s right, right"), and the gap between us and her widened and became impassable. Gentlemen, then, a year ago, Sukhomlinov was put under investigation, now he has been released (voices from the left: “Shame”). Then the hated ministers were removed before the opening of the session, now their number has been increased by a new member (voices on the left: “True”, voices on the right: “Protopopov”). Without turning to the intelligence and knowledge of the authorities, we then turned to their patriotism and their conscientiousness. Can we do it now.? (voices on the left: “Of course not”).

A German document was published in the French yellow book, which taught rules on how to disorganize an enemy country, how to create unrest and unrest in it. Gentlemen, if our government wanted to deliberately set itself this task, or if the Germans wanted to use their means, means of influence or means of bribery for this, then they could not do anything better than to act as the Russian government did (Rodichev and places: “Unfortunately, this is so”). And you, gentlemen, now have consequences. Back on June 13, 1916, from this pulpit, I warned that “the poisonous seed of suspicion is already bearing abundant fruit,” that “dark rumors of betrayal and treason are spreading from one end to another of the Russian land.” I quote my words at that time. I pointed out then - I quote my words again - that “these rumors climb high and spare no one.” Alas, gentlemen, this warning, like all others, was not taken into account. As a result, in the statement of the 28 chairmen of provincial governments, who gathered in Moscow on October 29 of this year, you have the following instructions: “a painful, terrible suspicion, ominous rumors about betrayal and treason, about dark forces fighting in favor of Germany and who, by destroying national unity and sowing discord, to prepare the ground for a shameful peace, have now come to the clear consciousness that the enemy’s hand is secretly influencing the direction of the course of our state affairs.

Naturally, on this basis, rumors arise about the recognition in government circles of the pointlessness of further struggle, the timeliness of ending the war and the need to conclude a separate peace. Gentlemen, I would not like to meet the excessive, perhaps painful suspicion with which the excited feeling of the Russian patriot reacts to everything that happens. But how will you refute the possibility of such suspicions when a bunch of shady individuals direct the most important state affairs in personal and base interests? (applause from the left, voices: “That’s right”). I have in my hands the issue of the Berliner Tageblatt dated October 16, 1916, and in it there is an article entitled: “Manuilov, Rasputin. Stürmer”: The information in this article is partly late, and partly this information is incorrect. So the German author is naive to think that Stürmer arrested Manasevich-Manuylov, his personal secretary. Gentlemen, you all know that this is not so and that the people who arrested Manasevich-Manuilov and did not ask Sturmer were removed from the office for this.

Who is to blame for the Russian Revolution of 1917? Who started it and when? This question, which at first glance seems absurd, has many possible answers. The Bolsheviks, who appropriated for themselves and Lenin all the fruits of this revolution, are now inevitably reaping the belated curses of their descendants. But no matter how great the guilt of the communists, completely different people are at the origins of the destruction of Great Russia. Liberal, well-intentioned, moderately oppositional, and moderately loyal to the authorities, they, in general, “wanted what was best.” But in the end they ended up doing much worse than “as always.”

On November 1 (14), 1916, deputy Pavel Nikolaevich Milyukov delivered his famous anti-government speech in the State Duma: “Stupidity or Treason?” By that time, Russia had been fighting the most difficult world war in its history for more than two years. The scandalous speech in the Duma heated up public opinion, already inflamed by the difficult situation at the front, to the limit and, in essence, became a signal for the start of active preparations for the revolution, which broke out three months later. Having initially become the Minister of Foreign Affairs in the new “Provisional Government,” Miliukov within two months lost both his post and all influence on the political situation in Russia. Until very recently, historians believed that Miliukov fell victim to his own shortsightedness and naivety. However, archival documents tell a different story.

The author of both documents below is the same person. The leader of Russian democrats of the early twentieth century, the creator and leader of the Cadet Party, deputy of the III and IV State Dumas, leading publicist and editor of the Cadet newspaper Rech, Miliukov himself did not consider himself a rebel and revolutionary. By the way, no one has ever presented evidence for the accusations that he so “boldly” threw in the face of the last Russian emperor, his family and his government. The second document, a private letter from Miliukov, fully confirms that such evidence could not have existed. Public slander was deliberately used by him and his accomplices with the sole purpose of “overthrowing” the Orthodox Tsar before he won the war.

Nicholas II paid for Miliukov’s slander with the lives of his family; Russia paid for his career ambitions with millions of victims for several decades in a row. However, Miliukov, who died in Paris in 1943, until his death never admitted either his betrayal or his guilt before the Motherland.

How can we now characterize the results of such “social work”? Perhaps only the title of his famous speech is applicable to them - “Stupidity or Treason?” The essence of Pavel Miliukov’s activities was probably both. Having betrayed Russia, Miliukov did not even manage to really take advantage of the fruits of his betrayal. He and his moderate-liberal friends-conspirators were pushed into the shadows in May 1917 by more cunning and dexterous competitors from the Trudovik faction and the Socialist-Revolutionary Party, and then...

The editors hope that the above documents will help readers and teachers not only once again tell schoolchildren about the little-known ups and downs of the political struggle in Russia at the beginning of the last century, but also clearly prove to them: publicly cursing and secretly betraying your country, while counting on success, is not only vile, but also stupid.

RP. N. Milyukov’s speech at a meeting of the State Duma

...Gentlemen, members of the State Duma. It is with a heavy feeling that I enter this podium today. You remember the circumstances under which the Duma met more than a year ago, on July 10, 1915, the Duma was impressed by our military failures. She found the reason for these failures in the shortcomings of military supplies and pointed out the reason for the lack in the behavior of the Minister of War Sukhomlinov.

You remember that the country at that moment, under the impression of the formidable danger that had become obvious to everyone, demanded the unification of popular forces and the creation of a ministry of people in whom the country could trust. And you remember that then from this pulpit even Minister Goremykin admitted “that the course of the war requires a huge, extraordinary upsurge of spirit and strength.” You remember that the authorities then made concessions. The ministers hated by society were then removed before the convening of the Duma. Sukhomlinov, whom the country considered a traitor, was removed. ( Voice from the left: “He is!”) And in response to the demands of the people's representatives at the meeting on July 28, Polivanov announced to us, with general applause, as you remember, that an investigative commission had been created and the beginning had been made of putting the former Minister of War on trial.

And, gentlemen, the social upsurge was not in vain: our army received what it needed, and the country entered the second year of the war with the same upsurge as in the first. What a difference, gentlemen, now, in the 27th month of the war, a difference that I especially notice, having spent several months of this time abroad. We are now facing new difficulties, and these difficulties are no less complex and serious, no less profound, than those we faced last spring. The government needed heroic means in order to combat the general disorder of the national economy. We ourselves are the same as before. We are the same in the 27th month of the war as we were in the 10th and as we were in the first. We remain committed to total victory, we remain willing to make the necessary sacrifices, and we still want to maintain national unity. But I will say openly: there is a difference in position.

We have lost faith that this power can lead us to victory ( voices: “That’s right!”) ... because in relation to this government, both the attempts at correction and the attempts at improvement that we made here did not turn out to be successful. All allied states called into the ranks of power the best people from all parties. They gathered around the heads of their governments all the trust, all the elements of organization that were evident in their countries, which were more organized than ours. What did our government do? Our declaration said this. Since the time when the majority in the Fourth State Duma emerged, which it previously lacked, a majority ready to give confidence to a cabinet worthy of this trust, from that very time on, almost all members of the cabinet who could in any way count on trust, all of them one after another systematically had to leave the office. And if we said that our government has neither the knowledge nor the talents necessary for the present moment, then, gentlemen, now this government has fallen below the level at which it stood in the normal time of our Russian life ( voices from the left: “That’s right! Right!"), and the gap between us and her widened and became impassable. Gentlemen, then, a year ago, Sukhomlinov was put under investigation, now he has been released ( voices from the left: “Shame!”). Then the hated ministers were removed before the opening of the session, now their number has been increased by a new member ( voices on the left: “That’s right!”, voices on the right: “Protopopov”). Without appealing to the intelligence and knowledge of the authorities, we then turned to their patriotism and their conscientiousness. Can we do it now? ( voices from the left: “Of course not”).

A German document was published in the French yellow book, which taught rules on how to disorganize an enemy country, how to create unrest and unrest in it. Gentlemen, if our government wanted to deliberately set itself this task, or if the Germans wanted to use their means, means of influence or means of bribery for this, then they could not do anything better than to act as the Russian government did ( Rodichev from his seat: “Unfortunately, this is so”). And you, gentlemen, now have consequences. Back on June 13, 1916, from this pulpit I warned that “the poisonous seed of suspicion is already bearing abundant fruit,” that “dark rumors of betrayal and treason are spreading from end to end of the Russian land.” I quote my words at that time. I pointed out then - I quote my words again - that “these rumors climb high and spare no one.” Alas, gentlemen, this warning, like all others, was not taken into account. As a result, in the statement of the 28 chairmen of provincial governments, who gathered in Moscow on October 29 of this year, you have the following instructions: painful, terrible suspicion, ominous rumors about betrayal and treason, about dark forces fighting in favor of Germany and seeking to destroy the people's unity and sowing discord to prepare the ground for a shameful peace, have now passed into a clear consciousness that the enemy’s hand is secretly influencing the direction of the course of our state affairs.

Naturally, on this basis, rumors arise about the recognition in government circles of the pointlessness of further struggle, the timeliness of ending the war and the need to conclude a separate peace. Gentlemen, I would not like to meet the excessive, perhaps painful suspicion with which the excited feeling of the Russian patriot reacts to everything that happens. But how will you refute the possibility of such suspicions when a bunch of shady individuals direct the most important state affairs in personal and base interests? ( Applause from the left, voices: “That’s right!”). I have in my hands the issue of Berliner Tageblatt dated October 16, 1916 and in it there is an article entitled: “Manuilov, Rasputin. Stürmer." The information in this article is partly late, and partly this information is incorrect. So the German author is naive to think that Stürmer arrested Manasevich-Manuylov, his personal secretary. Gentlemen, you all know that this is not so and that the people who arrested Manasevich-Manuylov and did not ask Sturmer were removed from the office for this.

No, gentlemen, Manasevich-Manuilov knows too much to be arrested. Sturmer did not arrest Manasevich-Manuylov ( applause from the left, voices of “That’s right!” Rodichev from his seat: “Unfortunately, this is true”). You may ask: who is Manasevich-Manuilov? Why is he interesting to us? I'll tell you, gentlemen. Manasevich-Manuilov is a former secret police official in Paris, the famous “Mask” of the “New Time”, who reported juicy things from the life of the revolutionary underground to this newspaper. But what is more interesting for us is that he is also the executor of special secret assignments. One of these assignments may interest you now. Several years ago, Manasevich-Manuilov tried to fulfill the instructions of the German Ambassador Pourtales, who assigned a large sum, they say about 800,000 rubles, to bribe “New Time”. I am very glad to say that an employee of Novoye Vremya threw Manasevich-Manuylov out of his apartment and Pourtales had a lot of trouble hiding this unpleasant story. Here, the personal secretary of the Minister of Foreign Affairs Stürmer, gentlemen, on what kind of assignments was he employed not so long ago ( voices on the left: “That’s right,” continuous noise).

Chairman: I humbly ask you to stop the noise.

P. N. Milyukov: Why was this gentleman arrested? This has long been known and I will not say anything new if I repeat to you what you know. He was arrested for taking a bribe. Why was he released? This, gentlemen, is also no secret. He told the investigator that he shared the bribe with the chairman of the Council of Ministers. ( Noise. Rodichev from his seat: “Everyone knows that.” Voices: “Let me listen, be quiet!”)

Chairman: I ask gentlemen members of the Duma to remain calm.

P. N. Milyukov: Manasevich, Rasputin, Sturmer. The article names two more names - Prince Andronnikov and Metropolitan Pitirim, as participants in the appointment of Sturmer together with Rasputin ( noise). Let me elaborate on this purpose in more detail. I mean Stürmer as Foreign Minister. I survived this assignment abroad. For me it is intertwined with the impressions of my trip abroad. I will simply tell you in order what I learned on the way there and back, and you will draw your own conclusions. So, as soon as I crossed the border, a few days after Sazonov’s resignation, first Swedish, and then German and Austrian newspapers brought a series of news about how Germany greeted Stürmer’s appointment. That's what the newspapers said. I will read the excerpts without comment.

Particularly interesting was the editorial in the Neue Freie Press of June 25th. This is what this article says: “No matter how old Stürmer becomes Russified ( laughter), it is still quite strange that foreign policy in a war that emerged from pan-Slavist ideas would be led by a German ( laughter). Minister-President Stürmer is free from the errors that led to the war. He did not promise - gentlemen, please note - that without Constantinople and the straits he would never make peace. In the person of Stürmer, a weapon has been acquired that can be used at will. Thanks to the policy of weakening the Duma, Stürmer became a man who satisfies the secret desires of the right, who do not at all want an alliance with England. He will not argue, like Sazonov, that the Prussian military helmet needs to be rendered harmless.”

Where do the German and Austrian newspapers get this confidence that Stürmer, fulfilling the wishes of the right, will act against England and against the continuation of the war? From information in the Russian press. A note was published in Moscow newspapers regarding the far-right note ( Zamyslovsky from his seat: “And every time it turns out to be a lie!”), delivered to Headquarters in July before Stürmer's second trip. This note states that, although it is necessary to fight until final victory, it is necessary to end the war in a timely manner, otherwise the fruits of victory will be lost due to the revolution ( Zamyslovsky from the seat: “Signatures, signatures!”). This is an old topic for our Germanophiles, but it is developing in a number of new attacks.

Zamyslovsky (from the seat): Signatures! Let the signatures say it!

Chairman: Duma member Zamyslovsky, I ask you not to speak from your seat.

P. N. Milyukov: I quote Moscow newspapers.

Zamyslovsky (from the seat): Slanderer! Say signatures. Don't slander!

Chairman: Member of the State Duma Zamyslovsky, I ask you not to speak from your seat.

Zamyslovsky: Signatures, slanderer!

Presiding: Member of the State Duma Zamyslovsky. I call you to order.

Vishnevsky (from the seat): We require a signature. Let him not slander.

Chairman: Member of the State Duma Vishnevsky, I call you to order.

P. N. Milyukov: I said my source - these are Moscow newspapers, of which there are reprints in foreign newspapers. I convey the impressions that abroad determined the opinion of the press about the appointment of Sturmer.

Zamyslovsky (from the spot): Slanderer, that's what you are!

Markov 2nd (from place): He just told a deliberate lie. ( Voices from the left: “Are these expressions acceptable from the floor, Mr. Presiding Officer?”)

Chairman: I repeat that I call you to order.

P. N. Milyukov: I am not sensitive to Mr. Zamyslovsky’s expressions. ( Voices from the left: “Bravo, bravo!”) I repeat that the old topic is being developed this time with new details. Who makes the revolution? Here's who: it turns out that it is done by city and zemstvo unions, military-industrial committees, and congresses of liberal organizations. This is the most undoubted manifestation of the coming revolution. “The left parties,” the note states, “want to continue the war in order to organize in the interim and prepare a revolution.”

Gentlemen, you know that, in addition to such a note, there are a number of separate notes that develop the same idea. There is an indictment against the city and zemstvo organizations, and there are other indictments that are known to you. So, gentlemen, that is the idefix of the revolution coming from the left, that idefix, the obsession with which is obligatory for every member of the cabinet who joins ( voices: “That’s right!”), and everything is sacrificed to this idefix: the high national impulse to help the war, and the beginnings of Russian freedom, and even the strength of relations with the allies. I asked myself then, what recipe is this for? I went further to Switzerland to relax, and not to engage in politics, and then the same dark shadows followed me. On the shores of Lake Geneva, in Bern, I could not get away from Stürmer’s former department - the Ministry of the Interior and the Police Department.

Of course, Switzerland is a place where all kinds of propaganda intersect, where it is especially convenient to follow the machinations of our enemies. And it is clear that the system of “special orders” should be especially developed here, but among them a system of a special kind has been developed, which attracts our special attention. They came to me and said: “Please tell me, there, in Petrograd, what does the famous Rataev do?” They asked why some official Lebedev, unknown to me, came here. They asked why these police department officials were regular visitors to the salons of Russian ladies, known for their Germanophilism. It turns out that Vasilchikova has successors and continuers. To open up the ways and means of that propaganda that Sir George Buchanan recently openly told us about. We need a judicial investigation, like the one that was carried out over Sukhomlinov. When we accused Sukhomlinov, we also did not have the data that the investigation revealed. We had what we have now: the instinctive voice of the entire country and its subjective confidence ( applause).

Gentlemen, I might not have dared to talk about each of my individual impressions if there were no cumulative ones, and especially if there had not been the confirmation that I received when I moved from Paris to London. In London I came across a direct statement made to me that for some time now our enemies have learned our deepest secrets and that this did not happen during Sazonov's time ( exclamations from the left: “Aha!”). If in Switzerland and Paris I asked myself whether there was some other kind of diplomacy behind our official diplomacy, here I already had to ask about a different kind of thing. I apologize that, reporting such an important fact, I cannot name its source, but if this message of mine is correct, then Stürmer may find traces of it in his archives. ( Rodichev from the spot: “He will destroy them!”).

I am passing over the Stockholm story, which, as is known, preceded the appointment of the present minister and which made a grave impression on our allies. I can speak of this impression as a witness; I would like to think that here was a manifestation of that quality that is well known to old acquaintances of A.D. Protopopov - his inability to reckon with the consequences of his own actions ( laughter, voices from the left: “Good qualifications for a minister”). Fortunately, in Stockholm he was no longer a representative of the deputation, since the deputation no longer existed at that time; it returned in parts to Russia. What Protopopov did in Stockholm, he did in our absence ( Markov 2nd from the seat: “You did the same thing in Italy”). But still, gentlemen, I cannot say exactly what role this story played in that hallway, already known to us, through which, following others, A.D. Protopopov passed on his way to the ministerial chair ( voices on the right: “Which hallway?”). I named these people for you - Manasevich-Manuilov, Rasputin, Pitirim, Sturmer. This is the court party whose victory, according to the Neue Freie Presse, was the appointment of Stürmer: “The victory of the court party, which is grouped around the young Queen.”

In any case, I have some reason to think that the proposals made by the German adviser Warburg to Protopopov were repeated in a more direct way and from a higher source. I was not at all surprised when, from the lips of the British ambassador, I heard a heavy accusation against the same circle of people of wanting to prepare the way for a separate peace. Maybe I stayed too long on Stürmer? ( Shouts: “No, no!”)

But, gentlemen, all the feelings and moods that I spoke about earlier were predominantly focused on him. I think that these feelings and moods did not allow him to occupy this chair. He heard the exclamations with which you greeted his exit. Let us hope with you that he will not return here again. ( Applause from the left. Noise. Shouts from the left: “Bravo!”) We tell the government, as the bloc’s declaration said: we will fight you, we will fight with all legal means until you leave. They say that one member of the Council of Ministers, hearing that this time the State Duma was going to talk about treason, cried out excitedly: “I may be a fool, but I am not a traitor.” ( Laughter.) Gentlemen, the predecessor of this minister was undoubtedly an intelligent minister, just as the predecessor of the Minister of Foreign Affairs was an honest man. But they are no longer part of the cabinet. So, isn’t it all the same for the practical result whether in this case we are dealing with stupidity or treason?

When you wait a whole year for Romania to make a speech, insist on this speech, and at the decisive moment you have neither troops nor the ability to quickly transport them along the only narrow-gauge road, and thus you once again miss the favorable moment to strike a decisive blow in the Balkans , - what would you call it: stupidity or treason? ( voices on the left: “Same thing!”) When, contrary to our repeated insistence, from February 1916 to July 1916, and already in February, I spoke about Germany’s attempts to seduce the Poles and about Wilhelm’s hope of getting an army of half a million, when, contrary to this, the matter is deliberately slowed down, and an attempt at a clever and an honest minister decides, at least at the last minute, the question in a favorable sense ends with the departure of this minister and a new postponement, and our enemy finally takes advantage of our delay - then is this: stupidity or treason? ( Voices from the left: “Treason!”) Choose any. The consequences are the same.

When, with increasing insistence, the Duma reminds that the rear must be organized for a successful struggle, and the authorities continue to insist that organizing means organizing a revolution, and deliberately prefers chaos and disorganization - what is this, stupidity or treason? ( Voice from the left: “Treason!” Adzhemov: “This is stupidity!” Laughter.) Not only that. When, on the basis of general discontent and irritation, the authorities deliberately engage in causing popular outbreaks - because the participation of the police department in the latest unrest in factories has been proven - so when unrest and unrest are deliberately caused by provocation and they know that this can serve as a motive for stopping war - what is being done, consciously or unconsciously?

When, in the midst of a war, the “court party” undermines the only person who has created a reputation for honesty among the allies ( noise) and when it is replaced by a person about whom everything that I said before can be said, then it is ... ( Markov 2nd: “Is your speech stupidity or treason?”) My speech is a service to the homeland, which you will not do. No gentlemen, it's your choice, there's too much stupidity. ( Zamyslovsky: “That’s right!”) As if it is difficult to explain all this with just stupidity.

Therefore, the population cannot be blamed if it comes to such a conclusion, which I read in the statement of the chairmen of the provincial governments. You must also understand why we have no other speech today than the one I have already said: seek the departure of this government. You ask how we will begin to fight during the war? But, gentlemen, they are only dangerous during war. They are dangerous for war: that is why during the war and in the name of war, in the name of the very thing that forced us to unite, we are now fighting them. ( Voices from the left: “Bravo!” Applause.)

We have many, many individual reasons to be dissatisfied with the government. If we have time, we will say them. And all the particular reasons boil down to this one thing: the inability and maliciousness of this government. ( Voices from the left: “That’s right!”)

This is our main evil, victory over which will be tantamount to winning the entire campaign. ( Voices from the left: “That’s right!”) Therefore, gentlemen, in the name of millions of victims and streams of shed blood, in the name of achieving our national interests, in the name of our responsibility to all the people who sent us here, we will fight until we achieve that real government responsibility, which is determined by three signs our common declaration: the members of the cabinet have the same understanding of the immediate tasks of the current moment, their conscious readiness to implement the program of the majority of the State Duma and their obligation to rely not only in the implementation of this program, but also in all their activities on the majority of the State Duma.

A cabinet that does not meet these criteria does not deserve the trust of the State Duma and must leave. ( Noisy applause.)

Published from the book: Rezanov A. S. Assault signal of P. N. Milyukov. Paris, 1924.

From a letter from the leader of the Cadet Party,
former minister of the first Provisional Government P. N. Milyukov
former member of the Council of Monarchist Congresses I. V. Revenko

End of December 1917 - beginning of January 1918

In response to the question you posed, how I now look at the revolution we have accomplished, what I expect from the future and how I assess the role and influence of existing parties and organizations, I am writing you this letter, I admit, with a heavy heart. We didn't want what happened. You know that our goal was limited to achieving a republic or a monarchy with an emperor having only nominal power; the prevailing influence of the intelligentsia in the country and equal rights for Jews.

We did not want complete devastation, although we knew that the coup would in any case have an unfavorable effect on the war. We believed that power would be concentrated and remain in the hands of the first cabinet of ministers, that we would quickly stop the temporary devastation in the army and the country and, if not with our own hands, then with the hands of the allies, we would achieve victory over Germany, paying for the overthrow of the tsar by some delay of this victory.

We must admit that some even from our party pointed out to us the possibility of what happened later. Yes, we ourselves, not without some anxiety, followed the progress of the organization of the working masses and propaganda in the army.

What to do: we made a mistake in one direction in 1905 - now we made a mistake again, but in the other. Then they underestimated the strength of the extreme right, now they did not foresee the dexterity and unscrupulousness of the socialists.

You can see the results for yourself.

It goes without saying that the leaders of the Soviet of Workers' Deputies are leading us to defeat and financial economic collapse quite deliberately. The outrageous posing of the question of peace without annexations and indemnities, in addition to its complete senselessness, has already radically ruined our relations with our allies and undermined our credit. Of course, this was not a surprise to the inventors.

I won’t tell you why they needed all this, I’ll briefly say that the role played here was partly by conscious betrayal, partly by the desire to fish in troubled waters, and partly by a passion for popularity. But, of course, we must admit that the moral responsibility for what happened lies with us, that is, with the bloc of parties in the State Duma.

You know that we made a firm decision to use the war to carry out a coup soon after the start of this war. Note also that we could not wait any longer, for we knew that at the end of April or beginning of May our army had to go on the offensive, the results of which would immediately completely stop all hints of discontent and would cause an explosion of patriotism and jubilation in the country.

You understand now why I hesitated at the last minute to agree to carry out the coup, you also understand what my internal state must be at the present time. History will curse our leaders, the so-called proletarians, but will also curse us, who caused the storm.

What to do now, you ask...

Don't know. That is, inside we both know that the salvation of Russia lies in the return to the monarchy, we know that all the events of the last two months have clearly proven that the people were not able to accept freedom, that the mass of the population who do not participate in rallies and congresses are monarchist-minded, that many many agitating for a republic do so out of fear.

All this is clear, but we simply cannot admit it.

Recognition is the collapse of our entire life’s work, the collapse of the entire worldview of which we are representatives. We cannot recognize, we cannot resist, we cannot unite with those rightists, submit to those rightists with whom we fought for so long and with such success.

That's all I can say now.

Of course, this letter is strictly confidential. You can show it only to members of the circle you know.

FSK Archive. Saint Petersburg

Published from the book: Konyaev N. M. The death of the Red Moses.
M.: Veche, 2004.

Prepared materials

“Believe in yourself and the rest will fall into place. Believe in your own abilities, work hard - and nothing will be impossible for you,”- Brad Henry

It is a well known fact that if anyone wants to succeed in life, he must believe in himself. People easily lose faith when faced with obstacles, failures and fears. When you lack confidence, others see it and don't take you seriously. Not many people live the life they always wanted to live; they give up on their goals as soon as they encounter the first failure. One of the main reasons for this is that they do not believe in themselves. You must believe because your inner faith creates outer results.

The modern world we live in is extremely competitive and challenging, and people begin to doubt themselves and their abilities when they fail. But a few failures are not the end!

We offer 10 simple tips on how to regain faith in yourself.

1. Accept your current situation

The first thing you need to do if you want to start believing in yourself again is to accept your current life situation. You have to come to terms with what your life looks like at the moment and the things that led to this situation. If you suffer because of this, you will achieve nothing. Only when you realize that nothing can be taken back will you have enough energy to change our lives.

“First, embrace failure. Realize that without losing, the winnings are not so great."– Alyssa Milano

2. Think about your past successes

If you feel like you've hit rock bottom, use your past to give you enough motivation to get back up. You were once amazing. Take yourself back to that past and think about the amazing things you did. Now realize that you can do it again. It's easy to think about the times when someone hurt you, but it's just as easy to think about the times in your life when you were successful. Use the past not to revel in your failures, but to motivate yourself to achieve new goals.

“Every day is a new opportunity. You can reminisce about yesterday's success or leave your failures behind and start again. Life is like that, every day is a new game."– Bob Feller.

3. Trust yourself

This is one of the most important things that will help you regain confidence in yourself. All the energy, strength, courage and confidence is within you. Spend time with yourself to discover this, whether through meditation or activism.

“Everything in the Universe is within you. Ask everything from yourself."– Rumi

4. Talk to yourself

We ourselves determine who we want to become. What we tell ourselves and how we motivate ourselves plays a huge role. Ultimately, you don't need the approval of others, because in fact, you need your own self-affirmation. Therefore, support yourself with conversation and praise when you have no one else to get approval and good motivation from.

“The brain believes almost everything you say. And what you tell him about yourself, he will recreate. He has no choice."

“If you tell yourself you can’t do something, what will be the outcome?” – Shad Helmstetter.

5. Don't let fear stop you

Fear hides behind false evidence of what appears to be real. This is the main thing that holds you back from believing in yourself much more than anything else. Face your fears and don't let them stop you from achieving your goals.

"Always do what you are afraid to do"– Ralph Waldo Emerson

6. Be compassionate with yourself

You must forgive yourself for any failures or mistakes you have made in the past and move on. You must look to the future and stop living in past failures. Be more compassionate with yourself.

7. Positive attitude

Having a positive attitude towards everything is the fastest way to restore faith and self-confidence. Be grateful for who you are and what you have. Find only good things in the world around you, then positive people and positive events will fill your life.

8. Accept help from strangers

People around you see your life from the outside and are sometimes more objective advisors than you yourself. Your family and friends can help you recognize your abilities and skills, focus on your goal, and remember your past successes. When you are full of doubts, the people who love you will help you believe in yourself again.

9. Keep moving forward and never look back

“If you can't fly, run, if you can't run, walk, if you can't walk, crawl, but whatever you do, you must keep moving forward.”– Martin Luther King.

There will be countless times in life when you will feel like you have hit rock bottom. The voice in your head will tell you to stop and you will start doubting yourself, but never listen to that voice. Be strong and keep moving forward. If you keep walking, eventually you will reach your destination. And when you do, you will realize how much stronger you have become.

10. Let life guide you

Let your life take its natural course. When you learn to follow the flow of life, you will realize that it is a wonderful and wise advisor. If you allow life to guide you, it will shower you with its gifts and riches. To do this, you will have to come to terms with the life that is given to you and learn to relax. Let her guide you on the right path, and then you are guaranteed success.

“We all have different things that we go through in our daily lives. And it's really important to know, just at the end of the day, that we have overcome and overcome all of this. You must believe in yourself. You must believe in God and know that he will help you through difficulties."– Kelly Rowland.

Always believe in yourself and your uniqueness!

There are some things you can do right now.

“I don’t even know, it seems to me that I don’t believe anymore... And I can’t imagine what to do with it...” I hear these words every day from all over the world, from representatives of any Christian denomination, from every rung of the social ladder .

They were all once very devout, but now, for various reasons, the ground of faith is disappearing from under their feet - and they are in a panic.

Their fear is understandable. It's really quite scary. It is one thing to question the foundations of the church or point out the gaps in religious systems that people themselves have invented, or even to criticize the Bible and the ways it is interpreted. You can live with all this. We can go through these crises and still continue to firmly believe that God exists and that He is good. There are days when this is the only thing we believe in, but usually it is enough.

Losing faith is more than weakness of will.

But what to do if, despite insomnia, intense prayers, endless questions and exertion of willpower, you realize that you no longer believe in anything? What do you do when the very reality of God (or the fact that God is good) becomes an unaffordable luxury for you? How to survive in the epicenter of a spiritual catastrophe?

Don't give up. God is strong enough to handle your doubts.

Most often, the point is not to become even more stubborn or “religious.” In most cases, people begin to doubt, despite constant Bible reading, prayer, regular church attendance, participation in church services and a desire to believe with all their hearts. They never shied away from all these right things. They are truly God-fearing and active Christians, but all these activities no longer provide the clarity, confidence and comfort that they usually did.

Almost everyone who comes to me in this state of spiritual emptiness and dryness says that they feel guilty. They lament, realizing that no one can help them regain what they have lost, and they scold themselves for not being able to bring themselves to believe as before, when it was easy and simple.

If you are currently in the midst of such a spiritual storm, I will not tell you that there is a quick and easy way to regain your faith. I can’t even say that you will ever return it, at least in its previous form. Perhaps something awaits you that is completely different from what you have experienced before.

Return

And still something needs to be done. Question - what?

Maybe you need to pray more, or start a Bible study group, or go to church more often. Or maybe it’s not necessary. After all, God is not only found in “spiritual things.”

Maybe today you just need to look around, look at familiar shapes, listen, touch, breathe and taste. Maybe the best thing you can do is simply revisit the things and activities you know so well and re-accept them with gratitude.

When you accept these beautiful, pure, visible gifts and appreciate them, you cannot help but recognize the Giver. This may be all the faith you can muster right now, but that's okay. Simply living and being grateful for life is already a spiritual quest; this is a sacred attitude.

Fewer turns - faster to the intended goal

You will see how the feeling of gratitude will lead you on a straight path to the lost sense of faith. It will clear the path to God from all sadness, disappointment, doubt and even religiosity.