City of Dudayev. Could the rebel general Dzhokhar Dudayev survive? In the Soviet army
daughter: Dana
2) Air Force Academy named after Yu. A. Gagarin
Armed forces of CRI
generalissimo()
First Chechen war
Dzhokhar Musaevich Dudayev(Chech. DudagӀeran Musan ZhovkhӀar; February 15, Yalkhoroy - April 21, Gekhi-chu) - Chechen politician, leader of the 1990s movement for the separation of Chechnya from Russia, the first president of the self-proclaimed Chechen Republic of Ichkeria (-). In the past - Major General of Aviation, the only [ ] Chechen general in the Soviet Army. Member of the CPSU since 1968. Generalissimo CRI (1996).
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Biography
Dzhokhar Dudayev was born on February 15, 1944 in the village of Pervomaisky, Galanchozhsky district of the Chechen-Ingush Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic (now Achkhoy-Martan district of the Chechen Republic). He was the youngest, thirteenth child of Musa and Rabiat Dudayev, he had three brothers and three sisters and four brothers and two half-sisters (his father’s children from a previous marriage). Dzhokhar's father was a veterinarian.
The exact date of Dzhokhar’s birth is unknown: all documents were lost during the deportation, and because large number children's parents could not remember all the dates (Alla Dudayeva in her book “ The first million: Dzhokhar Dudayev” writes that Dzhokhar’s year of birth could have been 1943, not 1944). Dzhokhar came from the Tsechoi taipa from the Tati Nekye clan. His mother Rabiat came from the Nashkhoi taipa, from Khaibakh. Eight days after his birth, the Dudayev family was deported to the Pavlodar region of the Kazakh SSR during the mass deportation of Chechens and Ingush in February 1944.
According to the Russian political scientist Sergei Kurginyan, in exile the Dudayev family accepted the Viskhadji vird (a religious brotherhood established by Vis-Khadzhi Zagiev) of the Kadyri strain of Sufi Islam:
Kadiriyya received a particularly strong impetus for development after the deportation of Chechens to Kazakhstan in 1944. In the 50s, in the Tselinograd region of the Kazakh SSR, among the Chechens evicted there, the youngest and most radical vird of Kadiriyya was formed - the vird of Vis-Hadzhi Zagiev. During the exile of the Dudayev family to Kazakhstan (returned only in 1957), Dzhokhar’s elder brother, Bekmuraz, joined the Vis-Hadzhi Zagiev vird. Today, Bekmuraz is a member of the group of ustaz (mentors) of this vird. Dzhokhar Dudayev placed his bet on this youngest and largest vird of the Qadiri tariqa in Chechnya. The Council of Elders was formed mainly from the vird of Vis-Hadji Zaghiev and other virds of Qadiriyya. The Ustazes of Naqshbandiyya were declared a “hornet’s nest of the KGB”, and the followers of Vis-Hadzhi Zagiev were the purest supporters of the national idea.
When Dzhokhar was six years old, Musa died, which had a strong impact on his personality: his brothers and sisters studied poorly and often skipped school, while Dzhokhar studied well and was even elected head of the class.
After some time, the Dudayevs, along with other deported Caucasians, were transported to Chimkent, where Dzhokhar studied until the sixth grade, after which in 1957 the family returned to their homeland and settled in Grozny. In 1959 he graduated from secondary school No. 45, then began working as an electrician at SMU-5, while at the same time studying in the 10th grade at evening school No. 55, which he graduated a year later. In 1960, he entered the Faculty of Physics and Mathematics, but after the first year, secretly from his mother, he left for Tambov, where, after listening to a year-long course of lectures on specialized training, entered the Tambov Higher Military Aviation School named after M. M. Raskova (-1966) (since Chechens were then secretly equated with enemies of the people, upon admission Dzhokhar had to lie that he was Ossetian, however, receiving a diploma with honors, he really l on having his real origin included in his personal file).
In 1988, he made a combat mission to the western regions of Afghanistan on board a Tu-22MZ bomber from the 185th heavy bomber regiment of Long-Range Aviation (Poltava), introducing the technique of carpet bombing enemy positions. Dudayev himself always denied the fact of his active participation in military operations against Islamists in Afghanistan.
According to the memoirs of Galina Starovoitova, in January 1991, during Boris Yeltsin’s visit to Tallinn, Dudayev provided Yeltsin with his car, in which Yeltsin returned from Tallinn to Leningrad.
On June 20, 1997, a memorial plaque in memory of Dudayev was installed on the building of the Barclay Hotel in Tartu.
Beginning of political activity
In March 1991, Dudayev demanded the self-dissolution of the Supreme Council of the Chechen-Ingush Republic. In May, the retired general accepted an offer to return to Checheno-Ingushetia and lead the growing social movement. On June 9, 1991, at the second session of the Chechen National Congress, Dudayev was elected chairman of the Executive Committee of the OKCHN (National Congress of the Chechen People), into which the former executive committee of the CHNS was transformed. From that moment on, Dudayev, as the head of the Executive Committee of the OKChN, began the formation of parallel authorities in the Chechen-Ingush Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic, declaring that the deputies of the Supreme Council of the Chechen-Ingush Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic “did not live up to the trust” and declaring them “usurpers.”
President of the Chechen Republic of Ichkeria
On October 27, 1991, presidential elections were held in Checheno-Ingushetia, won by Dzhokhar Dudayev, who received 90.1% of the votes. With his first decree, Dudayev proclaimed the independence of the self-proclaimed Chechen Republic of Ichkeria (CRI) from the RSFSR and the USSR, which was not recognized by either the union or Russian authorities, nor by any foreign states, except for the partially recognized Islamic Emirate of Afghanistan (after Dudayev’s death). On November 2, the Congress of People's Deputies of the RSFSR recognized the past elections as invalid, and on November 7, Russian President Boris Yeltsin issued a decree introducing a state of emergency in Checheno-Ingushetia, but it was never implemented, since it still existed Soviet Union, and the power structures were formally subordinate not to Yeltsin, but to Gorbachev; the last one after August putsch he no longer actually had real power and had completely lost control over the processes taking place in the country. In response to Yeltsin’s decision, Dudayev introduced martial law in the territory under his control. An armed seizure of the buildings of law enforcement ministries and departments was carried out, military units were disarmaed, military camps of the Ministry of Defense were blocked, and rail and air transportation was stopped. OKCHN called on Chechens living in Moscow to “turn the capital of Russia into a disaster zone.”
In November-December, the parliament of the ChRI decided to abolish the existing government bodies in the republic and to recall the people's deputies of the USSR and the RSFSR from the Chechen Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic. Dudayev's decree introduced the right of citizens to purchase and store firearms.
Foreign policy activities
After the collapse of the USSR, the situation in Chechnya was completely out of Moscow's control. In December-February, the seizure of abandoned weapons continued. At the beginning of February, the 556th Regiment of Internal Troops was defeated, and military units were attacked. More than 4 thousand small arms, approximately 3 million pieces of various ammunition, etc. were stolen.
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| Radio interception of a conversation between Dzhokhar Dudayev and the Minister of Internal Affairs of Azerbaijan, Iskander Hamidov. There is no corresponding audio file, so the text of the interception may be the author's invention | |
After this, Dudayev makes visits to the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus and Turkey. At the end of September, Dzhokhar Dudayev visited Bosnia, where a civil war was going on at that time. However, at Sarajevo airport, Dudayev and his plane were arrested by French peacekeepers. [ ] Dudayev was released only after a telephone conversation between the Kremlin and UN headquarters.
After this, Dzhokhar Dudayev headed to the United States, accompanied by Deputy Prime Minister Mairbek Mugadayev and the mayor of Grozny, Bislan Gantemirov. According to official sources, the purpose of the visit was to establish contacts with American entrepreneurs for the joint development of Chechen oil fields. The visit ended on October 17, 1992.
Constitutional crisis in Chechnya
Main article: Constitutional crisis in Chechnya (1993)
By the beginning of 1993, the economic and military situation in Chechnya had worsened, and Dudayev had lost his previous support.
At 3:30 a.m. on August 8, several unknown persons burst into Dudayev’s office, located on the 9th floor of the presidential palace, and opened fire, but the guards returned fire in response to the shots, and the attackers fled. Dudayev was not injured during the assassination attempt.
The fight against armed opposition
In the summer of 1993, constant armed clashes took place on the territory of Chechnya. The opposition is being pushed out to the north of the republic, where alternative authorities have been formed. At the end of the year, Chechnya refuses to take part in elections State Duma and a referendum on the constitution, the parliament opposes the inclusion in the new Constitution of the Russian Federation of a provision on Chechnya as a subject of the Russian Federation.
1995
At the direction of Dzhokhar Dudayev, camps for holding prisoners of war and civilians were created in Chechnya, sometimes called concentration camps.
On June 14, 1995, a raid by a detachment of militants under the command of Shamil Basayev took place on the city of Budennovsk ( Stavropol region), accompanied by a massive hostage-taking in the city. This action led to the death of about 100 civilians. After the events in Budennovsk, Dudayev awarded orders personnel Basayev's detachment. On July 21, 1995, Dudayev awarded Basayev the rank of brigadier general.
Death
Despite his death, immediately after it and subsequently there were repeated reports that Dudayev might be alive. In June 1996, his son-in-law Salman Raduev, also previously declared “killed,” held a press conference in Grozny and swore on the Koran that Dudayev survived the assassination attempt and that on July 5, three months after the liquidation of Dzhokhar, he met with him in one of the European countries. He said that the wounded general was taken from the scene of the incident by car by representatives of the OSCE mission to a safe place indicated by him, that at the moment the President of Chechnya is hiding abroad and “will definitely return when necessary.” Raduev’s statements had a loud resonance in the press, but at the appointed “ hour X“Dudayev did not appear. Once in Lefortovo, Raduev repented that he had stated this “for the sake of politics.”
Perpetuation of memory
Memorial plaques
Streets and squares
In September 1998, a stone monument was unveiled in the park named after Dzhokhar Dudayev, which is located in the Vilnius microdistrict Žvėrynas. It contains lines from the poet Sigitas Gyada dedicated to Dudayev.The inscription in Lithuanian reads: “Oh, son! If you wait until the next century, and, stopping in the high Caucasus, look around: do not forget that here too there were men who raised the people and came out to freedom to defend holy ideals.” (literal translation)
Family
On September 12, 1969, Dzhokhar Dudayev married the daughter of Major Alevtina (Alla) Dudayeva (née Kulikova) and they had three children: two sons - Avlur (Ovlur, “first-born lamb”) (born December 24, 1969) and Degi (born 25 May 1983) - and daughter Dana (born in 1973). According to information from 2006, Dzhokhar Dudayev has five grandchildren.
Degi, according to 2011 data, has Georgian citizenship, but also lives in Lithuania, having a residence permit there. In 2004 he graduated from the Higher Diplomatic College International Relations in Baku and in 2009 - Technical University in Vilnius. In 2012 he took part in the Georgian show “ Moment of truth"(Georgian analogue of the American show " The Moment of Truth") and became the first in the history of the Georgian version whom the detector could not catch in a lie. Most of the questions he was asked were about his father and his attitude towards Russia:
Leading: Do you feel hatred towards the Russian people?
Degi: No.
Leading: If the opportunity presented itself, would you avenge your father?
Degi: Yes .
He refused to answer the super question because he was probably confused by the previous one:
Leading: Do you think that Chechen traditions limit human freedom?
Degi: Yes .
According to 2013 data, he runs the VEO company in Lithuania, specializing in solar energy. In May 2013, Degi was charged with producing false documents. Immediately after his arrest, his mother Alla called what was happening “a provocation of the Russian special services.” Degi himself, however, admitted his guilt and, by a court decision in December 2014, was fined 3,250 litas.
Dana, while still in Russia, married Masud Dudayev and they had four children. In August 1999, they left Russia and lived for some time in Azerbaijan, then moved to Lithuania and then to Turkey, where they stayed until 2010. Then in June of the same year, their family tried to obtain political asylum in Sweden (where Avlur was already living), but was unsuccessful, as local authorities found many inconsistencies between the documents and the couple’s words. The family tried to appeal the refusal of the Swedish authorities in a Stockholm court, but in March 2013 it upheld the authorities' decision. Dudaev was also denied permission to appeal the court ruling. They did not appeal to the European Court of Human Rights in Strasbourg, despite the fact that they had such an opportunity, because they believed that if they lost, the Swedish authorities would deport them to Russia. In July 2013, Dana and two children left for Germany, and Masud and two others went to the UK (they crossed the border illegally), where they now live with Akhmed Zakayev. There, Massoud asked the British government for protection, but this was also denied to the family, and the British authorities began trying to deport them back to Sweden. Then the family filed a lawsuit demanding a review of the decision of the UK Home Office, but in June 2015, the High Court of London declared the Home Office’s decision legal.
Statements
see also
Notes
- Dudayev Dzhokhar Musaevich
- The end of the rebel General Dzhokhar Dudayev
- Džohar Musaevič Dudaev
- Dzhokhar Dudayev |
- NEXT.net.ua
- Calendar of upcoming significant dates from LADNO.ru.
December 2006 year
Kavkaz Memo.ru:: Figures of the Caucasus:: Dudayev Dzhokhar Musaevich Dzhokhar Dudayev was born on February 15, 1944 in the village of Yalkhoroy, Chechen Republic. Eight days after his birth, the Dudayev family was deported to the Pavlodar region of the Republic of Kazakhstan during the mass deportation in February 1944. After some time, the Dudayevs, along with other deported Caucasians, were transported to the city of Shymkent, Republic of Kazakhstan. There Dzhokhar studied until the sixth grade, after which in 1957 the family returned to their homeland and settled in the city of Grozny. Graduated in 1959
In 1960 he entered the Faculty of Physics and Mathematics of the North Ossetian Pedagogical Institute. However, after the first year, he left for the city of Tambov, after listening to a year-long course of lectures on specialized training, he entered the Tambov Higher Military Aviation School named after M.M. Raskova. He graduated from it in 1966. Later he received a diploma from the Yu.A. Air Force Academy. Gagarin.
Since 1962 there has been military service in command positions in combat units of the Air Force. After college in 1966, he was sent to the 52nd Guards Instructor Heavy Bomber Aviation Regiment, to the Shaikovka airfield in the Kaluga Region as an assistant aircraft commander. In 1968 he joined the ranks of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union.
Since 1970, he served in the 1225th heavy bomber aviation regiment, Belaya garrison in Irkutsk region, Transbaikal Military District, later renamed the 200th Guards Heavy Bomber Aviation Regiment. In subsequent years, he successively held the positions of Deputy Air Regiment Commander, Chief of Staff, Detachment Commander, and Regiment Commander.
In 1982, Dudayev was appointed Chief of Staff of the 31st Heavy Bomber Division of the 30th Air Army. From 1985 to 1989, he served as Chief of Staff of the 13th Guards Heavy Bomber Aviation Division.
From the beginning of 1989 to 1991, he commanded the strategic 326th Ternopil heavy bomber division of the 46th Air Army strategic purpose in the city of Tartu, Republic of Estonia. At the same time he served as the Chief of the military garrison. In 1989 he received the rank of Major General of Aviation.
From November 23 to 25, 1990, the Chechen National Congress was held in the city of Grozny, which elected an Executive Committee headed by Chairman Dzhokhar Dudayev. In March next year Dudayev demanded the self-dissolution of the Supreme Council of the Republic. In May, the retired General accepted the offer to return to the Chechen Republic and led the social movement. In June 1991, at the second session of the Chechen National Congress, Dudayev headed the Executive Committee of the National Congress of the Chechen People.
In October 1991, presidential elections were held, which were won by Dzhokhar Dudayev. With his first decree, Dudayev declared the independence of the self-proclaimed Chechen Republic of Ichkeria from Russia, which was not recognized by other states. On November 7, the President of Russia issued a decree introducing a state of emergency in the republic, but it was never implemented, since the Soviet Union still existed. In response to this decision, Dudayev introduced martial law in the territory under his control.
On July 25, 1992, Dudayev spoke at an emergency congress of the Karachay people and condemned Russia for trying to prevent the mountain people from gaining independence. In August, King Fahd of Saudi Arabia and Emir of Kuwait Jaber al-Sabah invited Dudayev to visit their countries as President of the Chechen Republic. After this, Dudayev made visits to the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus and Turkey.
By the beginning of 1993, the economic and military situation on the territory of the Chechen Republic had worsened. In the summer there were constant armed clashes. The opposition formed the Provisional Council of the Republic headed by U.D. Avturkhanov. On the morning of November 26, 1994, the city of Grozny was shelled and stormed by Russian special services and opposition forces. By the end of the day, the council's forces had left the city. After the unsuccessful assault on the city, the opposition could only count on military assistance from the center. Units of the Russian Ministry of Defense and Internal Affairs entered the territory of the republic on December 11, 1994. The First Chechen War began.
In 1995, on June 14, a raid by a detachment of militants under the command of Sh. Basayev took place on the city of Budennovsk, Stavropol Territory, which was accompanied by a massive hostage-taking in the city. After the events in the city, Dudayev awarded orders to the personnel of Basayev’s detachment and awarded Basayev the rank of brigadier general.
In 1996, on April 21, Russian special services located a signal from Dudayev’s satellite phone in the area of the village of Gekhi-chu. 2 Su-25 attack aircraft with homing missiles were lifted into the air. Presumably, he was destroyed by a missile strike while talking on the phone. The place where Dudayev was buried is unknown.
In 1997, on June 20, in the city of Tartu, a memorial plaque was installed on the building of the Barclay Hotel in memory of the General. Later, a plaque was opened at house number 6 on Nikitchenko Street in Poltava, Ukraine.
Before I talk about this extraordinary man, I will say a few words about the political situation that had developed in Chechnya at the time of his arrival. Years of industrial activity have given me the opportunity to get to know Russians as closely as Chechens. If I can’t help but love the latter, then I respect the Russians and even, in some ways, envy them. I will not list the advantages and disadvantages of the peoples among whom I was born and formed as a person and a specialist. Both have different polarities in sufficient quantities.
I was not and am not a member of parties, I am not involved in journalistic circles. I'm a rural man though work activity took place in an urban environment. Having worked in production in the construction industry in various management positions, I was never involved. Where he retired from, remaining a Soviet foreman at heart.
Therefore, as a person from within the people who earns their daily bread through the hardest physical labor, I know its newest, short, but vividly dramatic story firsthand. A story that unfolded on a Russian scale, on a small patch of land called Chechnya. On earth, like a meteor in the sky, the destinies of two peoples, Russians and Chechens, flashed brightly and intertwined for a moment, where, without exaggeration, the fate of the Russian State itself was decided.
As an eyewitness to recent events, I try to tell in my works so that the reader can draw his own conclusion about what happened in Chechnya. And with this in mind, if possible, remove the veil of secret and open hostility between me and the Russian. Let's not lie, Ivan, unfortunately, there is a slight unfriendliness between our relations. Even after such a fight.
Let's start with when all Russian information channels, since 1991, took us into circulation at the same time. I tried to record blunders about the Chechens for history, but you can’t master all the channels at the same time. But even this would be enough that we won’t be able to wash ourselves off forever. So much has been said about Chechnya.
Some acted for the sake of time in order to stay afloat in the political establishment, while others, along with the collapse of the USSR, tried to do the same with Russia. But both of them cared little about where they were pushing you and me.
I made notes at what time of day, date and through what channel this or that information came. Then I gave up this idea, who needs it.
For example, simultaneously or with an interval of one day, in different points the same Chechen bandit group could appear in the world. Here she left Pakistan in the morning for the Indian states, and in the evening she already crossed the Mexican border into the US states.
Or another ram, owned by an Australian farmer, rushes at its owner, butts heads with everyone that moves, and even throws itself at his jeep. And where do you think these aggressive small cattle were raised? Of course in Chechnya.
Often, already in the unpeaceful skies of Chechnya, planes without identification marks could appear. What the official information person reported was that even the federal forces could not establish which power’s air force carried out missile and bomb attacks on the cities and villages of Chechnya. And they also emphatically officially informed that strikes by such unidentifiable elements were carried out precisely in those parts of Chechnya where the people were especially loyal to the federal forces.
They didn’t say anything about the existence of civilians, the civilian population; they didn’t seem to exist in Chechnya, as we see today in the Donbass, in Syria. How peaceful the inhabitants are when even sheep rush at people there. Aggressors!
Information channels are the face of the state, and even more so in Russia. In any case, we had the opportunity to compare what the country says with what is happening in reality. This was a lie, unthinkable!
Once I started, looking ahead to the beginning of the second war, I would like to remember a few interesting entries:
Listening to Russian journalists, I wondered if they had anything sacred in their lives. There was a time when Putin, although he received carte blanche from Yeltsin, had not yet strengthened his position.
These journalists mocked the army, which I was once proud of, and it was absolutely unclear to whose mill they were grist.
Here the generals are sitting in the studio "remembering days gone by and the battles where they fought together."
They tell how they are not allowed to catch the main bandit. As soon as they surround the “jackal’s” lair and then the command comes: “stand down.” All commanders spoke about such absurd orders, starting from the first commander of the combined forces in Chechnya, Army General Kulikov.
1999 Autumn. There is a TV program “Here and Now”.
The host is the famous journalist Lyubimov. “Wingman” – Air Force Commander-in-Chief Colonel General Mikhailov.
Presenter: “The Americans mistakenly bombed civilians in the Balkans, even the Chinese Embassy got it. Tell me, what is the accuracy of our weapons?
“Wingman” – “one hundred percent hit the given target. We can destroy one Basayev from the plane’s missiles!”
Presenter - “why don’t you do it?”
“Wingman” - “there was no command....!?”
What does it mean? Is it the bravado of a martinet or does the truth speak from the mouth of a baby?
Journalists, in their zeal, were often ahead of future events.
For example. The same autumn of the same year. The correspondent (I didn’t remember his last name) is broadcasting from the scene of FUTURE events. “Basayev,” he says, “wants to make a new foray into Dagestan. For this sabotage, Ural trucks with all the attributes of federal troops are being prepared. But our valiant soldiers will greet him as they should.”
The “wolf” has not yet left the lair, but he is ready to meet. What enviable efficiency! Commerce and nothing more.
A few days later, on the political show “Freedom of Speech” by Savik Shuster, we watched as one elderly general stood up and scolded the press for systematically insulting the armed forces. It’s a pity that we didn’t hear his strong, Russian words, they didn’t give him a microphone and he left the studio.
I would not be a Chechen if I watched indifferently as even my enemy was undeservedly insulted. “Russia, you are truly a great power, behave with dignity both here and there,” I wanted to shout.
“He who owns the information owns the world,” says the truth, but Russia, a generous soul, shared this wealth for free.
Can people who have experienced all this nonsense of the official, diplomatic and defense departments of Russia believe today everything they say? Of course not. This faith has been repulsed, bombed, mined.
That’s why I’m trying to win your trust, at least about Chechnya, about the Chechens, because a person from Far East nothing meaningful will be written about this. Please take into account that this is not at all a one-sided interpretation of the truth. Standing face to face with events, I try to tell everything honestly.
* * *
So, General of the Soviet Army Dzhokhar Dudayev did not justify the hopes of neither the Chechen nor the Russian people from the first day of his solemn oath to holy quran.
But Dudayev’s doors, at work and at home, were open to any person. And this freedom of action was used by all and sundry.
Therefore, in his environment there were those who particularly distinguished themselves in their impudence, ignorant people, not production managers, economists and other workers who knew their worth.
One Minister of the Oil Refining Industry of the USSR, Khadzhiev Salambek, was worth something; the whole country knew him. Having become a deputy of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR, he broke the mines with Gorbachev himself about his political and economic mistakes.
And the whole republic knew others. They came officially to the reception, they were left with hope. And that is all.
Decent people will not knock on the threshold of his office, much less his home. They will have to call you, you won’t be nice by force.
And those who stuck around the general, who spent their entire lives envying managers, or as they called them, partocrats, did not shine in their lives with work in any government bodies or in parliamentary chairs. They could not imagine that their idol Dudayev was also a partyocrat, because they would not have become army or production generals without a party card in their pocket.
What flattered them most was that they were better informed than ordinary citizens. Having received this opportunity, they took great pleasure in sweeping away the dirty linen from Dudayev’s presidential palace.
* * *
Two words about my relatives, who, by the will of fate, had the opportunity to often meet Dudayev. If I devote so many lines to all sorts of crooks, then why are they worse than them?
Two aunt's sons, mine cousins who lived in different areas became deputies on October 27, 1991 people's assembly CRI. It won’t be said about the brothers, but they are very good guys, they didn’t smoke, much less drank in their lives, they didn’t express themselves. These were indeed nominated by a broad social force, although they had some degree of ambition, otherwise they would cease to be Chechens.
Even because my brothers are a typical part of the Chechen people, they are worth talking about. We were not friends, we were connected only by family relations and nothing more. They were guys of strict rules, and I loved freedom. In general, many parents would like to have such sons.
Of course, they weren’t up to winning gold medals at school like their cousin, but they finished high school passably and were quite capable of acquiring secondary technical or liberal arts education. But the brothers took different paths; from childhood, like Soviet underground fighters, they attended Koran study circles. Which made their aunt and her husband, that is, my parents, extremely happy.
As far as this opportunity was available to me, having a similar underground circle at my uncle’s house, I joined a different science.
My uncle and father, who were the mutalim of the rural madrasah back in tsarist times, advised but did not force me to study the Koran. I repent, I repent immensely, who knew that mullahs could be deputies of the Supreme Council and even become leaders.
My brothers ate what God sent them. One worked in the fire department, the other, in the summer, went with teams of artel workers to earn money. The families were larger, but they lived no worse than others.
And so the elder brother made the hajj to Mecca in 1990. This was the very first Hajj of Muslims from the Soviet Union, since the publication of Lenin’s decree on freedom of conscience and religion on November 8, 1917.
After the completion of the Hajj, a plane with pilgrims flew from Saudi Arabia to Grozny. And as soon as the brother stepped off the ramp, the crowd almost tore him to pieces. The Muslims of the Soviet Union yearned for holy places so much that everyone wanted to touch the first Hajj and tear a piece of fabric from his clothes.
As a result, the brother in the blink of an eye found himself in long johns. The same crowd wrapped him in some kind of sheet and carried him in their arms to the car. The same fate reached all the hajis who descended from the plane.
The men who endured 13 years of hard labor, eviction, and slavery on collective farm plantations cried and laughed. They staged a noisy religious dhikr in the square not far from the building of the regional committee of the CPSU and the Council of Ministers of the Chechen Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic. And, of course, in sight are the slightly gloomy, but recently built in a modern style, buildings of the KGB and the Ministry of Internal Affairs. The officials in these buildings hid like mice behind brooms, “seeing nothing, hearing nothing and saying nothing to anyone.”
The new thinking of the party, with its perestroika and glasnost, was difficult for their tender stomachs to handle.
And people in cars, in the backs of trucks, and many on horseback, went to the airport to meet their hajis. The newly minted haji made his way from Grozny to the village accompanied by an honorary escort of everything that moved.
In general, from the day my brother arrived from Saudi Arabia, he did not belong to his family and friends for a week. People walked in an endless stream. Everyone wanted to hug him, to look through his eyes at the center of the Universe. And holy water from the Zamzam spring, souvenirs from Mecca, of course, were not enough for everyone.
If until now, since childhood, I had been the grandson of a haji who visited Mecca before the 1917 revolution, one of the last of our village, now I walked in the rays of my brother’s glory! But only for a year, until the next batch went on a pilgrimage. And, naturally, I removed the prefix “cousin”.
In subsequent years, he and his brother again traveled to Mecca more than once, and last year his brother died on the way back at the airport. They buried him like a pilgrim there, which is the secret dream of any true believer.
Well, I, as a fan of the Great Russian poet Pushkin, following his precepts:
Blessed is he who visits Mecca,
In the days of your old age!
waiting for my old age to come. Or our years. Although...
The brothers were indispensable at all rural funeral events, were imams in mosques, in the reconciliation processes of endless quarrels within Chechnya, in illuminating the newlyweds as husband and wife. They were in demand everywhere and everywhere, as if they were born for this.
Except for one place - in politics!
This was exactly my place, but I was not allowed there, not then and not now. True, in order to win the Lada lottery, you must at least purchase the lottery ticket itself, and I don’t do this, but I secretly dream of it. How nice it would be!
But most importantly, Chechnya reveled in the freedom of the religions of its forefathers, and the long-standing predictions of the Chechen holy sheikhs finally came true.
A few words about these prophecies.
As much as I am a pessimist about all sorts of excessive occult superstitions, I have ears to hear and brains to remember. And I remember well how the old people predicted this day back in 1960-1970.
Yes, they said, all these bans on religion are natural, for they were predicted by the sheikhs: that prayer would be banned, mosques would be closed, poison (agricultural pesticides) would be stored there, roads to the holy places of Mecca would be closed, prisons would be opened for all believers in God. Satanic power will come.
Colleague, I feel a little sorry for the Soviet government, which gave me an education, where it brought me to the head of the deficit building materials. In general, it’s disgusting to spit on the past, where I was young, handsome and charming.
And I would even say it’s baseness, slapping the authorities, which will not do anything to you.
But I heard it!
I heard that one day all the “shackles will fall”, mosques will open, it will be possible to pray openly, and people can get to Mecca with such speed that even the hot churek in their bosom will not have time to cool down.
But this was predicted in the 19th century. My grandfather was born somewhere in the 1850s, and my father was born at the end of the 19th century.
“Was it really possible that before in our village a muezzin could climb the minaret and call people to prayer, and did you really pray in the mosque?” I asked my father in amazement.
“Yes,” answered the father. It was unthinkable to hear this in the 1960s and 70s, but my father said it.
And so in 1990, the predictions of the elders came true and people could actually find themselves in Mecca, in that short moment, while the hot churek stuck in their bosom had not yet had time to cool down. Mosques were freed from warehouses and rural clubs used them for their intended purpose. In production teams, believers could pray freely.
Following the spirit of the times, we built a partition in the foyer of our office, and we also built a prayer room at work. When the carpenters invited me to accept their clumsy work, opening the creaky plywood door, I remembered the words of Rasul Gamzatov, which appeared in the wake of perestroika and glasnost:
No matter how many centuries they told me, don’t believe in God,
In this coming-to-mind light,
Opened, repentantly, the creaky door,
I am a poor Aul mosque!
What made our grand opening laugh, except for the mullah. But never mind, he won’t hear anything yet, with universal freedom of conscience and religion.
And even from the window of our village Council of Working People’s Deputies, the triumphant face of the party committee secretary could lean out and shout to the driver, who was hiding as if prayer time did not concern him: “Mahmud, come in, we are getting ready for jamaat prayer!”
This is good, wonderful!
But then I thought with horror whether the Soviet government would soon be “alles kaput”, it would also fall apart at the table, as the same old people predicted.
Yes, yes, reader, I literally heard it and my peers won’t let me lie: “Oh, what a power the Soviet government has, but the sheikhs told it to fall apart in one day, at the table!”
The old people spoke with pride, with admiration (we respect this) about the strength and power of the USSR, but at the same time with alarming regret about how such power could be turned into ruins at a simple desk.
They said that the last marked king would come to power!
Which king? They have completely withered away in their ignorance, they have not read a single book in their lives, and yet they make political forecasts?! It was I who thought this way about my elders, as a believing pioneer, a Komsomol member!
And in this we ourselves have already witnessed how in December 1991, in the Belarusian Belovezhskaya Pushcha, they set up a table for Yeltsin, Kravchuk and Shushkevich, so that they would fulfill the prophecies of my old men.
We also became eyewitnesses of how the “marked king” turned to last time, from this moment, non-existent To the Soviet people, as in the Kremlin they lowered the banner of the Union and raised the Russian three-colored banner. From now on, Russia betrayed the peoples of the Union, whom she united forever, for happiness, as Great Rus'. And we, non-Russians, didn’t understand this then, we thought: “maybe it will be better this way.” In general, what everyone secretly dreamed of happened, and now we all remember it with deep regret.
The fairy tales (at that time, I thought so without a doubt) that the illiterate Chechen old men told turned into reality, and the promises of the scientists of the communist ideologist about the imminent advent of abundance, equality, brotherhood throughout the entire earth turned into dust.
This is the situation that developed in Chechnya when Dudayev came to power.
The Chechen people see how their leader Dudayev, since 1991, is deep in politics and he doesn’t give a damn about their alapi (salary).
The people, abandoned to the mercy of fate, saved themselves as best they could. We started with a small robbery of vehicles on the Union Highway (federal), and then everything movable and everything that moved went.
I have written about all this in other opuses, so I won’t repeat it.
But you won’t live long by stealing other people’s property.
People then turned their attention to the fertile land of Chechnya, where oil gushes from the depths. At first, mini-factories for processing crude oil and condensate, gasoline and diesel fuel in an artisanal way began to appear timidly.
In my opinion, the first such plant in our village appeared not without my participation; we did not agree with each other. And then off we went.
But there were also positive changes under Dudayev. True, he did not take part in this, but he did not interfere either.
Under him, Chechnya turned into a huge market for the entire Caucasus. For the ignorant, I will explain: the Caucasus is the territory from the Turkish border to Rostov-on-Don and Astrakhan. And Volgograd is spiritually closer to us than the rest of Russia.
So in Chechnya everyone traded: Russians, non-Russians, and even Armenians from Yerevan with Azerbaijanis from Nakhichevan.
In another two or three years, Chechnya will turn into an international market haven, something your Cherkizov bazaar and all of Rus' have never dreamed of.
I repeat, the scale was so huge, there were not enough places on the market territory that we had to fill up places on the route from Thursday, as well as on Saturday and Sunday. Cars went in caravans to Chechnya day and night, from all four parts Sveta.
Districts such as Kurchaloevsky, Gudermessky, Shalinsky, which were still in severe Soviet years carefully preserved the honor of the merchant, no matter how they were called: speculators, parasites, ulcers on the body working people. These areas distributed pastures and even arable land to collective farms for markets.
Here the sheep are safe and the wolves are well fed
Yes, of course, there were road robbers, what a dashing time the 90s were! Market bazaars fought against them. They paid the Dudayev Guard for maintaining public order on the roads where merchant caravans passed.
I can say one thing about Dudayev, with all his shortcomings, he did not get involved in market affairs, he did not collect the cream. Perhaps the pride of the Soviet general did not allow it. And there was huge money circulating there.
Meanwhile, Dudayev was working on the “defense capability” of Ichkeria. Slogans like: “A slave who does not strive to get rid of slavery deserves triple slavery. Dzhokhar Dudayev” appeared on the streets of Grozny.
A masterpiece of political appeal.
After the dispersal of the deputies who were elected with Dudayev on the same day, he remained with his exclusively loyal people. Many went into opposition with Dudayev right up to the point of armed conflict.
Portraits of Dudayev in different poses hung in the offices of the bosses.
Here he kneels, raising his hands to the Almighty, asking, probably, happiness for the people. He sits in front of Allah in military uniform, on his head is a cap with the emblem of Ichkeria, a wolf. Islam prohibits depicting any living creature, especially where it is praying, but this does not concern Dudayev.
And here he is again in the same uniform, half height, with a wolfish grin peeking out from his right shoulder, and Lermontov’s words are written at his left shoulder:
War is their element...
He loves to quote Lermontov, as does his wife, a Russian girl, Alla Izmailova, a poetess. Alla fell in love with this Chechen only for his portrait resemblance to the great Russian poet.
This was a visible part of strengthening the defense of Ichkeria, and we could not poke our nose into the area of its invisible part. This is a national secret and is not subject to public disclosure. And this invisible part was financed by the same Russia, fulfilling its social obligations to the Chechen elderly, state employees, but the money did not reach the consumer. Trains of petroleum products were leaving Chechnya to God knows where.
By the fall of 1994, the people of Chechnya realized that this could not last long. Everyone left as best they could. Rural orthodoxies, taking advantage of impunity, began to rob their Russians and Armenians. No matter how much I knocked on the threshold of the Ministry of Internal Affairs to fence off my farm with PMK, nothing helped.
The people of the entire Caucasus watched with excitement and hoped that the two sovereigns of Russia and Chechnya would meet and come to an agreement; they were not crazy. No one believed that there would be a war.
Ruslan Aushev, the President of Ingushetia, may Allah grant him health and long life, did everything in his power to prevent this war from happening. As a Hero of the Soviet Union, an Afghan, he knew what modern war was, and he knew his Chechen brothers very well. Our trouble is that the Chechen general was not like the Ingush general. The first shots, the first victims of the new beginning Chechen war, the ancient Ingush land took upon itself, trying to protect its brothers from the impending catastrophe.
I don’t remember when, but Dudayev sent his messengers to the Cossacks of the Don so that they would close the gates of the Caucasus from peasant Russia. (Muzhgi is a man, according to the Vainakhs he is a Russian serf). This hints that during the civil war they tried to create the Don Republic. Of course, nothing came of this idea and Dudayev lamented through the TV: “Where can you find the Cossacks now, there are only Cossack girls left and a song... and dance ensemble.”
On the Russian side, to prevent the two leaders Yeltsin and Dudayev from meeting, it turned out that a powerful reinforced concrete fence was built.
* * *
But Ruslan Aushev managed to bring his two Afghanistan veterans, Dudayev and Grachev, to the negotiating table in Ingushetia, on December 6, 1994. Dudayev was accompanied by a group of odious associates, like Yandarbiev, Basayev and others.
And it seems they would come to a consensus to resolve the conflict peacefully. Even before this historic meeting, there was an official rumor on the local television channel that Dudayev had been offered the post of commander of the Russian Air Force and the rank of colonel general. But, of course, the freedom of the Fatherland is dearer to him. In Chechnya, we followed these negotiations with hope.
And when Dudayev and Grachev were left face to face, Dzhokhar told Pavel that his friends were sitting in the next room, and if he left here having agreed on peace with Russia, he would not reach Grozny alive. Basayev and his team have already become infected with war and blood in Abkhazia.
This is one of the versions from the Chechen side and it is very plausible.
Afterwards, in Grozny, Dudayev answered questions from journalists.
I remember his answer to the question verbatim:
"Is it possible to do without military action?
- One hundred thousand Chechens armed to the teeth can be stopped by Allah or war. I don’t have the prerogatives of Allah; war remains.”
Dudayev's generation was deported as children in 1944, like my older brothers. They grew up among the Russian-speaking population and spoke Russian both at school and on the street. Only at home we communicated in our native language. Therefore, having a perfect command of the language, Dudayev spoke Russian, just like all his peers, without an accent.
He pronounced the words in a military style, expressively, clearly, clearly, like commands in the army: “Be equal, at attention!” And it was as if he was driving in nails with a hammer blow, observing a pause. And here, knowing the character of the people, Dudayev’s answer to journalists about “One hundred thousand Chechens armed to the teeth...” was an absolute bluff on his part.
First of all, aimed at the ears of one hundred thousand vain Chechens, who
there was nothing but hats and they were confident that “they would shower all of Russia with these hats.” And, of course, so that the Russian special services can hear him.
But neither the Chechens nor the Russians drew a conclusion from Dudayev’s words.
And so it happened, the same hundred thousand rural Orthodox who brought Dudayev to power with their shouts at rallies reproached us, who doubted that this was the national secret of their idol. For three and a half years of not knowing where the pensions of the elderly, the salaries of state employees, and oil revenues went, he hid behind this secret.
Finally, Dudayev opened the curtain over her! Only behind her, except for the enthusiastic cries and desires of deceived citizens, nothing was visible.
Dudayev’s secret was somewhat reminiscent of Hitler’s secret weapon on the eve of the collapse of the Third Reich.
An educated man, a general, a communist, the commander of not a simple division, but a strategic aviation, behaved worse than my old mother.
And she said that, they say, war does not throw away bread rolls and even wild medlar, we must live peacefully with Russia, otherwise people will be left without relatives. I knew from my personal life.
Meanwhile, Russia, having armed Russian volunteers with tanks, under the leadership of a certain Umar Avtorkhanov from the Nadterechny region (a loyal part of Chechnya to Russia), entered Grozny. It was November 26, 1994, a tank battalion appeared right under the windows of Dudayev himself, in front of his palace. And it was destroyed within two hours. Dudayev generously released the Russians who had surrendered. The corpses of burnt tank crews and exploded tanks stood in Grozny for several days as an edification to everyone.
Television broadcast around the clock tank battle, everyone wanted to be like the heroes.
The triumph of Dudayev is evident before the people! He-he-he, he loved to tell how boys on three-wheeled motorcycles shot Russian tanks point-blank. They showed photographs, and one of them was on a bicycle with a long RPG barrel on his back, going to a tank battle.
It was a powerful psychological blow to any defeatist attitude of cowardly people in front of Russian force.
After which a mass psychosis occurred in Chechnya, village after village came to Grozny, in the square in front of the building of the Council of Ministers, people swore an oath: to fight in the sacred gazavat against Russia. The oath was taken under the dictation of the Mufti of Chechnya, Magomed - Hussein. He came to his historical homeland from Kazakhstan, where he was born and raised. Having abandoned the President of Kazakhstan Nazarbayev, to whom he was an adviser on religious issues, to the mercy of fate.
Among the crowd of fellow villagers, I took the same oath, in person.
* * *
Two words about Mufti Magomed-Hussein.
While I was wondering about my future strategy for the sacred campaign against the infidels, fighting. But then, by the way, my paternal cousin fell ill. And the Chechens have such a relationship on a par with their own sister.
And one day the neighbors come, taking with them an expert in folk remedies, to make a talisman, sacred water.
And then, bam, familiar faces! What was my surprise when I recognized this healer as the Mufti of Chechnya, Magomed - Hussein.
What about the oath of jihad? I asked my family when the door closed behind him.
In general, as soon as the war began in Grozny, this clergyman once again abandoned his boss, this time the President of Ichkeria. Having escaped from the bombing in short runs, he found himself 55 km from Grozny with his relatives, his maternal relatives. And they are my sister's neighbors.
I spent several weeks on guest grub. He took his breath away, and by some incredible miracle managed to leave the border of warring Chechnya, and Russia itself. He went back to Kazakhstan, where he still lives.
Where was the President of Russia looking, and where were his intelligence services looking?
The Supreme Mullah did not free our Fatherland from the adversary, nor did he save my sister from a fatal illness.
Dear colleague, expose me to lies if you doubt my veracity. Our village is called Bachi-Yurt, Kurchaloevsky district, Chechen Republic. And the ex-Mufti of Chechnya Magomed-Hussein, as I heard, is working again in the spiritual administration of Kazakhstan. In Astana! So that the holy place does not become empty.
True, I’m not going to pin my sins as an apostate on Magomed-Hussein, and I fell under his oath by accident. One day I saw a whole crowd of my fellow villagers walking around Grozny, and I asked: “Where are you going, guys?” Let's go to the square, we'll take an oath, get into formation! Where can you get away from them?
True, with his scurry from Chechnya, he saved more than one rebellious soul from inevitable death. Perhaps he, like many, thought that the assault on the city on December 31 would end as quickly as on November 26. But this time the damned war dragged on.
If the mufti did this and I also took my breath away, then God himself commanded me! So don't be afraid guys, and:
"Play, Russian children!
Grow in freedom!
................................................
Love your labor bread -
And let the charm of childhood poetry
He will take you into the depths of your native land!
This is me about myself, for the FSB, just in case!
* * *
Even earlier, on December 20, 1994, people, in protest, took to the federal highway and formed a human chain from the border of Dagestan through Chechnya, Ingushetia and to the border of Ossetia.
But war began in Grozny.
On December 31, 1994, the ancient call of the ancestors echoed through the villages of Chechnya: “The pit! Ortsa gave.” It’s like the Russian: “Get up, huge country, get up for mortal combat...”
People announce the impending common disaster on different languages, but they are met equally.
The men of the village began to gather in two places. Even ardent opponents of Dudayev came. Few people stayed at home on this alarming day.
After taking a shower, I began to prepare for war even more unsure of my resolve.
when my mother, sensing something was wrong, came to see me. My eldest son is already of military age and my intentions were aimed at protecting him from war if something happened. One in the family is fighting and that’s enough for now. It was such a difficult moment.
Dudayev had an excellent command of the character of the people and directly pressed on their psyche that all generations of Chechens would participate in this war over the next hundred years. Until Russia finally admits its defeat.
But my mother categorically forbade my son and me to think about the war.
What are you saying, mother, such women gather there that, without blinking an eye, they accompany their sons to war. Me and your grandchildren can live in this village, don’t disgrace us!
“Hmm!” she said almost with a grin, “I sent men to war twice in my life, and they all didn’t return. They didn’t see it. Don’t make me experience this tragedy a third time.”
My mother's father and brothers died during the years of collectivization, and my first husband was at the front. In Poland.
In the first days of the beginning, we, ordinary rural residents, took the war in Chechnya so closely and everyone considered it theirs family tragedy. I would say there was no hatred towards the Russian people. But there was hatred for the war itself, for the enemy who were sitting in tanks, on planes, hitting our cities and villages. These have already become our enemies and there is no forgiveness for them on earth. Any Chechen thought so; Dudayev is no longer his command.
Our militias loaded onto cars, climbed onto the backs of Kamaz trucks, and filled the vehicles to capacity, just like during rush hour. Rarely did anyone show a weapon; they threw white sheets for camouflage. It's winter after all. They shouted at me to stay, they say, someone needs to bury the dead at home. Like children playing Pioneer Zarnitsa!
Militias, but as soon as they get on the cars, they already become bandits.
So a year has passed since tiny Chechnya was at war with huge Russia. The main phase of the fighting took place in the mountains and on the roads of Chechnya, where for days and nights columns of federal troops made empty maneuvers towards each other. And at every corner, from the side of the militants, they were expected - a pounce, a blow, a rebound. Dudayev himself developed similar combat tactics, in small groups, against a federal armored column.
During the war, in the second winter, appearing in a neighboring village, in a mosque, Dudayev began to reproach the old people that their village was fighting weakly. Witnesses told how the old people began to complain about the lack of electricity, gas and other pressing everyday problems. Not a word about the war. Dudayev sat cross-legged on the carpet, staring at one point in front of him, drumming his fingers on his knees. Then he silently stood up and walked towards the exit. Old people follow him in a crowd. On the street, Dudayev pulls out two pistols and shoots at the wheels of the jeep in which he arrived. Then he squeezes out from himself with just his lips: “Sell it, make yourself light, gas, heat. Kotamash (chickens).”
Without saying goodbye to the old people, he got into the car with the guards and drove away. It is in his habits to stir up grievances against his subjects in this way.
Here I would like to utter one phrase from Dudayev, though I haven’t heard it myself, but again in the spirit of his character: “The two most terrible peoples on earth are fighting, the war cannot be stopped.”
A grateful son of two nations, one he gave birth to, the other he raised. Dudayev said this about the Russians and Chechens when a large delegation led by Anton Volsky, Yeltsin's representative, and a group of Hare Krishnas arrived in Grozny. For peace talks, summer 1995.
As such, there was no compulsion of young people to go to war; deserters were not caught. There weren't any. A man once took up arms and killed a man, no matter who was Russian, non-Russian, or enemy. He never returned. Everything was on a voluntary basis.
If Dudayev was an agent of some kind of masons, then he played this role brilliantly. But I don’t think I could be a clown in someone’s hands. With all my negative attitude towards this person, I cannot imagine him as a buffoon in the hands of foreign figures, while exposing my people in the interests of some kind of war party. He, as in that distant childhood, as a boy of an exiled people, in the steppes of Kazakhstan, could not give up his principles and believed that he had to fight to the end.
Dudaev’s peers, my older brothers born in 1936, 1940, 1941, also talked about their childhood; at school, their classmates could insult them and call them bandits. And they rushed into a fight even alone with a whole crowd. We walked, as they say, with the bit between our teeth.
Imagine a population of 450 thousand Chechens and Ingush spread over two republics of Kazakhstan and Kyrgyzstan. I don’t remember almost anything, I was born there and in 1957 I climbed up the ladder into a heated carriage, holding the hem of my mother’s dress.
Before the arrival of the exiled people in February 1944, the local population was notified that bandits and cannibals were being brought to them, so be vigilant. If the elders and teachers behaved correctly, politely, did not say anything out loud, but children are children. This generation has formed its own character. Therefore, for Dudayev, the fact that in his fight a million Chechen people are coughing up blood with him is just the will of Allah.
It was just amazing how he could, with such innermost thoughts in his head, devote himself to the Russian army, rise to the rank of general, and even marry a Russian girl? This is with such an attitude towards the Russian people.
This spring marks exactly 20 years since the death of the leader of the Chechen separatists, General Dzhokhar Dudayev. According to the official version, it was an operation by our special services...
This happened during the first Chechen war. On the evening of April 21, 1996, near the village of Gekhi-Chu, Dudayev got in touch with his Moscow friend, the famous Russian democrat Konstantin Borov. The satellite phone signal was intercepted, and Dudayev's car was hit with a missile.
However, from the very beginning, serious doubts arose in this version. Moreover, among very serious people!
Strange funnel
This is what, for example, the then commander of the united Russian military group in Chechnya, General Anatoly Kulikov, who immediately went to the scene of the incident, wrote in his book of memoirs:
“The dimensions of the crater at the explosion site were as follows: one and a half meters in diameter and fifty centimeters in depth. The missile that allegedly hit Dudayev... has 80 kilograms of explosive and should have left a much more serious crater after the explosion. According to calculations, its depth alone should have been approximately five meters. But there is no such funnel there. What actually happened in Gekhi-Chu is unknown. There are many versions.
One of them was presented to me by employees of the North Caucasus Regional Directorate for Organized Crime Control... They claim that Dudayev’s death was accidental. The fact is that the leader of one of the gangs, who was in Gekhi-Chu, did not pay his fighters in a timely manner... We were talking about a large sum of one or two million dollars. His comrades decided to take revenge and ahead of time installed in the field commander’s car - it was a Niva - an explosive device made from an ordinary cloth bomb with a remote fuse. They did not dare to explode in the courtyard of the house and waited for an opportunity. As soon as they saw that the Niva had left Gekhi-Chu and stopped in a vacant lot, the fuse was detonated. The fact that Dudayev was there came as a surprise to the bombers... And in fact, Dudayev, who never spent the night in the same house, could arrive suddenly, and the measures of secrecy, which in this case were strictly taken, could mislead the avengers "
However, Anatoly Kulikov did not exclude the possibility that Dudaeva... was actually in the car! This is what he later told reporters:
“You and I have not received evidence of his death. In 1996, we talked about this topic with Usman Imaev (Minister of Justice in the Dudayev administration). He expressed doubts that Dudayev died. Imaev said then that he was at that place and saw fragments of not one, but different cars. Rusty parts... He was talking about simulating an explosion.”
And soon versions appeared that Dudayev actually remained alive. In particular, the Turkish press wrote about this in 1998, indicating that the militant leader was secretly living in Istanbul under an assumed name. He was even allegedly seen in one of the fashionable areas of this second capital of Turkey.
Some other equally mysterious facts suggest the same idea about a possibly living Dudayev...
The patient is probably alive
So, unexpectedly for many, in May 1996, Dudayev’s wife Alla suddenly appeared in Moscow and called on Russians... to support Boris Yeltsin in the upcoming presidential elections! Imagine, she called for support for a man who, based on her own interpretation of events, sanctioned the murder of her beloved husband!
As rightly pointed out in this regard in the well-known Internet material “Living Corpse: Dzhokhar Dudayev could have survived 20 years ago”:
"Then Dudayeva stated that her words were taken out of context and distorted. But, firstly, even Alla herself admits that speeches “in defense of Yeltsin” still took place. That, supposedly, nothing but disgrace the war did not bring the president and that the cause of peace is being hampered by the “war party” who is substituting him. And secondly, according to eyewitnesses - including, for example, political emigrant Alexander Litvinenko, who in this case can be considered a completely objective source of information - there were no distortions. Dudayeva began her first Moscow meeting with journalists, held at the National Hotel, with a phrase that did not allow any other interpretation: “I urge you to vote for Yeltsin!”
And a couple of years later an even more curious confession followed. This time from the side of Nikolai Kovalev, who held the post of Deputy Director of the FSB in April 1996 and who certainly should have been aware of all the events related to the liquidation of the rebel general. So, in a conversation with a columnist for Moskovsky Komsomolets, he completely denied the involvement of his department in the liquidation of Dudayev:
“Dudayev died in the combat zone. There was quite a massive shelling. I think there is simply no reason to talk about some kind of special operation. Hundreds of people died the same way.”
So, it was just shelling... Or maybe Kovalev was not telling something?
But the most sensational were the confessions of the now deceased president of the Russian Union of Industrialists and Entrepreneurs, Arkady Volsky. Arkady Ivanovich was the deputy head of the Russian delegation in negotiations with the Chechen rebels. Volsky met repeatedly with Dudayev and other separatist leaders and was considered one of the most knowledgeable representatives of the Russian elite in Chechen affairs.
“I immediately asked the experts then: is it possible to point a missile weighing half a ton at a target based on a signal mobile phone? – Volsky told reporters. – I was told that it was absolutely impossible. If the rocket even felt such a subtle signal, it could turn to any mobile phone.”
But the main sensation is different. According to Volsky, in July 1995, the country's leadership entrusted him with a responsible and very delicate mission:
“Before leaving for Grozny, with the consent of President Yeltsin, I was instructed to offer Dudayev travel abroad with his family. Jordan agreed to accept him. An airplane and the necessary funds were provided at Dudayev’s disposal.”
True, the Chechen leader then responded with a decisive refusal. “I had a better opinion of you,- he said to Volsky. – I didn’t think that you would suggest that I run away from here. I Soviet general. If I die, I’ll die here.”
However, the project was not closed at this point, Volsky believed. In his opinion, the separatist leader subsequently changed his mind and decided to evacuate.
“But I do not rule out that along the way Dudayev could have been killed by people from his entourage,- suggested Arkady Ivanovich. — The way events developed after Dudayev’s announced death, in principle, fits into this version.” However, Volsky did not rule out other options: “When people ask me how likely it is that Dudayev is alive, I answer: 50 to 50.”
Therefore, it is quite possible that the evacuation was successful after all. And it passed just under the legend of “Dudaev’s death from a missile attack”...
They don’t surrender or kill their own
This is actually not surprising if we remember all of Dudayev’s previous connections with those who came to power in Russia immediately after the collapse of the Soviet Union...
The role of Russian democrats in the formation of Chechen separatism and the regime of General Dudayev is very widely known today. After all, it was our liberals (on behalf of Yeltsin) in the person of Burbulis, Starovoytova and others, after the events of August 1991 in Moscow, they went to Grozny to help Dudayev and his gang overthrow the legitimate power of the Supreme Council Chechen-Ingush Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic, who supported the actions of the State Emergency Committee.
It was they who then financed the separatists for hundreds of millions of rubles: according to the corresponding orders, the then acting. Prime Minister of Russia, the idol of the liberal public, Yegor Timurovich Gaidar, signed more than a dozen. As the liberals themselves later explained, by doing so they wanted to keep Dudayev in the ruble economic space and prevent him from separating from Russia. The rebel general himself was very pleased with such generous injections - with the money he received, he was able to prepare well for the war with our country, which he always considered as an enemy...
The Russian public knows much less about the further negative role of our liberals in the Chechen crisis.
In 1994, when it became clear that Dudayev was not going to enter any “ruble space,” the Kremlin decided to overthrow him with the forces of the anti-Dudaev opposition. The overthrow plan was developed by people from the Democratic Russia movement - head of the presidential administration Sergei Filatov and presidential assistant Yuri Baturin.
The result of their activities was sad: the troops of the anti-Dudaev opposition that entered Grozny in November 1994 were defeated, and Moscow was forced to make a direct entry Russian troops. The liberals themselves then fell into political disgrace...
They decided to take revenge by starting to criticize in every possible way the war that had begun, of which they themselves were the direct culprits. For this reason, the Democrats even resorted to… outright betrayal. In any case, there is evidence that Yuri Baturin maintained secret direct contacts with the separatist headquarters during the war. Was it not through him that the most secret information went to the Dudayevites? In this regard, the testimony of the same General Anatoly Kulikov is interesting.
According to him, in early June 1995 Russian army drove the Chechens into the mountains, where she began to finish them off. At this time, a conversation between two militants was intercepted, one of whom, referring to his man in Moscow, convinced the other that the Russians would soon weaken the onslaught and cease fire. And sure enough, a few hours later an order came from Yeltsin for a ceasefire. As it turned out later, the president was encouraged to do this by Filatov and Baturin. The grateful bandits took a break, and very soon the half-dead gang of Shamil Basayev captured the city of Budennovsk.
And the Chechen war is extremely full of such treacherous episodes...
And in the spring of 1996, Yeltsin ran for the post of President of Russia for the second time. One of his election slogans was to end the war in Chechnya. The Chechen war was entering a new phase. On March 31, 1996, Yeltsin signed a decree “On the program for resolving the crisis in the Chechen Republic.” Its most important points: the cessation of military operations on the territory of the Chechen Republic from 24.00 on March 31, 1996; gradual withdrawal of federal forces to the administrative borders of Chechnya; negotiations on the specifics of the status of the republic...
Perhaps it was precisely to achieve these goals that the old connections with Dudayev were reactivated. The Kremlin suggested that he disappear, believing that without its leader the Chechen separatist movement would disappear on its own, after which it would become much easier to achieve peace.
And Dudayev, who felt more and more uncomfortable in Chechnya, could well have given his consent, after which he safely departed abroad. To cover his Niva, they blew up an ordinary TNT bomb, and the area where the empty car was located was fired at with rockets. After which it was announced that Dudev was killed as a result of a special operation, which is so vaguely spoken about today by those who theoretically could have been involved in it.
The only mistake came with Alla Dudayeva, who unexpectedly supported Yeltsin in the elections, which in itself quite shocked many. However, the mistake was quickly corrected, quickly sending Alla abroad. What she does, where she lives now and, most importantly, with WHO, still remains a big mystery...
Igor Nevsky, especially for the “Ambassadorship Prikaz”
Self-proclaimed Chechen Republic of Ichkeria (-). In the USSR - Major General of Aviation. Generalissimo of the CRI (1996).
The youngest, thirteenth child of Musa and Rabiat Dudayev, he had three brothers and three sisters and four brothers and two half-sisters (his father’s children from a previous marriage). My father was a veterinarian.
The exact date of birth is unknown: during the deportation all documents were lost, and due to the large number of children, parents could not remember all the dates (Alla Dudayeva in her book “ The first million: Dzhokhar Dudayev” writes that Dzhokhar’s year of birth could have been 1943, not 1944). Dzhokhar belonged to the Tsechoi taipa. His mother Rabiat came from the Nashkhoi taipa, from Khaibakh. Eight days after his birth, the Dudayev family was deported to the Pavlodar region of the Kazakh SSR during the mass deportation of Chechens and Ingush in February 1944.
The opposition press wrote that Dudayev was born on April 15, 1944 in the village of Pervomaiskoye, Pervomaisky district, Grozny region. Thus, the Dudayev family was not deported, which may be explained by the fact that Dudayev's father worked closely with the NKVD.
According to Russian political scientist Sergei Kurginyan, in exile the Dudayev family accepted the Viskhadji vird (a religious brotherhood established by Vis-Hadji Zagiev) of the Kadyri persuasion of Sufi Islam.
When Dzhokhar was six years old, Musa died, which had a strong impact on his personality: his brothers and sisters studied poorly and often skipped school, while Dzhokhar studied well and was even elected head of the class.
After some time, the Dudayevs, along with other deported Caucasians, were transported to Chimkent, where Dzhokhar studied until the sixth grade, after which in 1957 the family returned to their homeland and settled in Grozny. In 1959 he graduated from secondary school No. 45, then began working as an electrician at SMU-5, while at the same time studying in the 10th grade at evening school No. 55, which he graduated a year later. In 1960, he entered the Faculty of Physics and Mathematics, but after the first year, secretly from his mother, he left for Tambov, where, after listening to a year-long course of lectures on specialized training, he entered (-1966) (since Chechens were then secretly equated with enemies of the people, then when upon admission, Dzhokhar had to lie that he was Ossetian, however, receiving a diploma with honors, he insisted that his real origin be entered in his personal file).
According to the memoirs of Galina Starovoitova, in January 1991, during Boris Yeltsin’s visit to Tallinn, Dudayev provided Yeltsin with his car, in which Yeltsin returned from Tallinn to Leningrad.
On June 20, 1997, a memorial plaque in memory of Dudayev was installed on the building of the Barclay Hotel in Tartu.
In March 1991, Dudayev demanded the self-dissolution of the Supreme Council of the Chechen-Ingush Republic. In May, the retired general accepted an offer to return to Checheno-Ingushetia and lead the growing social movement. On June 8, 1991, at the second session of the Chechen National Congress, Dudayev was elected chairman of the Executive Committee of the OKCHN (National Congress of the Chechen People), into which the former executive committee of the CHNS was transformed. The session proclaimed the Chechen Republic (Nokhchi-cho). From that moment on, Dudayev, as the head of the Executive Committee of the OKChN, began the formation of parallel authorities in the Chechen-Ingush Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic, declaring that the deputies of the Supreme Council of the Chechen-Ingush Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic “did not live up to the trust” and declaring them “usurpers.”
“On September 5, before democratic elections are held, power in the republic passes into the hands of the executive committee and other general democratic organizations.”On October 27, 1991, presidential elections were held in the Chechen part of Checheno-Ingushetia, which was won by Dzhokhar Dudayev, who received 90.1% of the votes. With his first decree, Dudayev proclaimed the independence of the self-proclaimed Chechen Republic (Nokhchi-cho) (CHR) from the RSFSR and the USSR, which was not recognized by either the allied or Russian authorities, or any foreign states, except for the partially recognized Islamic Emirate of Afghanistan (after his death Dudayev). On November 2, the Congress of People's Deputies of the RSFSR declared the elections invalid, and on November 7, Russian President Boris Yeltsin issued a decree introducing a state of emergency in Checheno-Ingushetia, but it was never implemented, since the Soviet Union still existed, and the security forces were formally subordinate not Yeltsin, but Gorbachev; the latter, after the August putsch, actually no longer had real power and completely lost control over the processes taking place in the country. In response to Yeltsin’s decision, Dudayev introduced martial law in the territory under his control. There was an armed seizure of the buildings of law enforcement ministries and departments, the disarmament of military units, the blocking of military camps of the Ministry of Defense, and railway and air transportation was stopped. OKCHN called on Chechens living in Moscow to “turn the capital of Russia into a disaster zone.”
In November-December, the parliament of the Chechen Republic decided to abolish existing government bodies in the republic and to recall people's deputies of the USSR and the RSFSR from the Chechen Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic. Dudayev's decree introduced the right of citizens to purchase and store firearms.
One of the first decrees of Dzhokhar Dudayev was a decree on the protection of the Russian-speaking population from banditry.
After the collapse of the USSR, the situation in Chechnya was completely out of Moscow's control. In December-February, the seizure of abandoned weapons continued. At the beginning of February, the 556th Regiment of Internal Troops was defeated, and military units were attacked. More than 4 thousand small arms, approximately 3 million pieces of various ammunition, etc. were stolen.
After this, Dudayev makes visits to the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus and Turkey. At the end of September, Dzhokhar Dudayev visited Bosnia, where at that time there was a civil war. However, at Sarajevo airport, Dudayev and his plane were arrested by French peacekeepers. [
After this, Dzhokhar Dudayev headed to the United States, accompanied by Deputy Prime Minister Mairbek Mugadayev and the mayor of Grozny Bislan Gantamirov. According to official sources, the purpose of the visit was to establish contacts with American entrepreneurs for the joint development of Chechen oil fields. The visit ended on October 17, 1992.
By the beginning of 1993, the economic and military situation in Chechnya had worsened, and Dudayev had lost his previous support.
At 3:30 a.m. on August 8, 1993, several unknown persons burst into Dudayev’s office, located on the 9th floor of the presidential palace, and opened fire, but the guards returned fire and the attackers fled. Dudayev was not injured during the assassination attempt.
In the summer of 1993, constant armed clashes took place on the territory of Chechnya. The opposition is being pushed out to the north of the republic, where alternative authorities have been formed. At the end of the year, Chechnya refuses to take part in the State Duma elections and the referendum on the constitution; the parliament opposes the inclusion in the new Constitution of the Russian Federation of a provision on Chechnya as a subject of the Russian Federation.
At the direction of Dzhokhar Dudayev, detention camps for prisoners of war and civilians were created in Chechnya, sometimes they are called concentration camps of the first Chechen war. In an interview with the Kommersant newspaper, she said that she was next to Dzhokhar at the time of his death. She, in particular, said: in Grozny and on the Koran he swore that Dudayev survived the assassination attempt and that on July 5, three months after the liquidation of Dzhokhar, he met with him in one of the European countries. He said that the wounded general was taken from the scene of the incident by car by representatives of the OSCE mission to a safe place indicated by him, that at the moment the President of Chechnya is hiding abroad and “will definitely return when necessary.” Raduev’s statements had a loud resonance in the press, but at the appointed “ hour X“Dudayev did not appear. Once in Lefortovo, Raduev repented that he had stated this “for the sake of politics.”
In Georgia . It was stated that his " are preparing to appear in front of television cameras in Turkey“shortly before the presidential elections scheduled in the republic in order to destabilize the situation.
In September 1998, a stone monument was unveiled in the park named after Dzhokhar Dudayev, which is located in the Vilnius microdistrict of Žvėrynas. It contains lines from the poet Sigitas Gyada dedicated to Dudayev. The inscription in Lithuanian reads: “Oh, son! If you wait until the next century, and, stopping in the high Caucasus, look around: do not forget that here too there were men who raised the people and came out to freedom to defend holy ideals.”
On September 12, 1969, Dzhokhar Dudayev married the daughter of Major Alevtina (Alla) Dudayeva (née Kulikova), Russian by nationality, and they had three children: two sons - Avlur (Ovlur, “first-born lamb”; born December 24, 1969) and Degi (born May 25, 1983) - and daughter Dana (born 1973). According to information from 2006, Dzhokhar Dudayev has five grandchildren.
Avlur was wounded in February 1995 while participating in the battles for Argun (there was a version that he died there), but Dzhokhar’s former fellow soldier Vytautas Eidukaitis managed to take him to Lithuania, where on March 26, 2002 Avlur received citizenship in the name Oleg Zakharovich Davydov (his date of birth was changed to December 27, 1970). Citizenship itself caused criticism in Lithuania itself because it was issued in one day. Avlur is married and, according to 2013, he and his children live in Sweden, where Avlur prefers to distance himself as much as possible from any publicity.
Degi, according to 2011 data, has Georgian citizenship, but also lives in Lithuania, having a residence permit there. In 2004, he graduated from the Higher Diplomatic College of International Relations in Baku and in 2009 from the Technical University in Vilnius. In 2012 he took part in the Georgian show “ Moment of truth"(Georgian analogue of the American show " The Moment of Truth") and became the first in the history of the Georgian version whom the detector could not catch in a lie. Most of the questions he was asked were about his father and his attitude towards Russia:
Leading: Do you feel hatred towards the Russian people?
Degi: No.
Leading: If the opportunity presented itself, would you avenge your father?
Degi: Yes .
He refused to answer the super question because he was probably confused by the previous one:
Leading: Do you think that Chechen traditions limit human freedom?
Degi: Yes .
According to 2013 data, he runs the VEO company in Lithuania, specializing in solar energy. In May 2013, Degi was charged with producing false documents. Immediately after his arrest, his mother Alla called what was happening “a provocation of the Russian special services.” Degi himself, however, admitted his guilt and, by a court decision in December 2014, was fined 3,250 litas.
Dana, while still in Russia, married Masud Dudayev and they had four children. In August 1999, they left Russia and lived for some time in Azerbaijan, then moved to Lithuania and then to Turkey, where they stayed until 2010. Then in June of the same year, their family tried to obtain political asylum in Sweden (where Avlur was already living), but was unsuccessful, as local authorities found many inconsistencies between the documents and the couple’s words. The family tried to appeal the refusal of the Swedish authorities in a Stockholm court, but in March 2013 it upheld the authorities' decision. Dudaev was also denied permission to appeal the court ruling. They did not appeal to the European Court of Human Rights in Strasbourg, despite the fact that they had such an opportunity, because they believed that if they lost, the Swedish authorities would deport them to Russia. In July 2013, Dana and two children left for Germany, and Masud and two others went to the UK (they crossed the border illegally), where they now live with Akhmed Zakaev. There, Massoud asked the British government for protection, but this was also denied to the family, and the British authorities began trying to deport them back to Sweden. Then the family filed a lawsuit demanding a review of the decision of the UK Home Office, but in June 2015, the High Court of London declared the Home Office’s decision legal.
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